JRJfTSS?' ' vmHtof Vhj'Kn ?"! n The Commoner l i 8 u JUNE, 1914 Ul istence of the former we should be disposed to doubt the sincerity or steadfastness of the latter. In the perspective of the receding years, the war looms in increasing proportions along the national horizon. Its great and beneficent re sults now everywhere recognized are gradually settling into the abiding convictions of all in telligent men. For full eighty years the system of government founded by our fathers was re garded by many as an experiment. Doubting patriots at home and unfriendly critics abroad foretold the coming certain dissolution of the union. With much show of reason they de clared our government rested upon an insecure foundation. The recognized fundamental weak ness was a constant menace to the permanency of the superstructure. Prior to the war, the ex istence of this weakness had with portentous threatenings repeatedly manifested itself both in the north and the south. In the light of the past the war for the preservation of the union and for the settlement by the arbitrament of arms of the great constitutional question in volved seemed inevitable. In that stupendous conflict neither side will ever have to apologize for the sincerity or the devotion ol its ad herents. When the battle clouds lifted and the light of peace shone in; when the people had again be come settled in their wonted avocations and dispassionately surveyed the results, it was found that the menace which had so long dis turbed the tranquility of the people and threat ened the existence of the union had been for ever removed. It was found that the funda mental issues involved had been irrevocably settled and that the foundation stones upon which the republic rested had been cemented anew by the shed blood of our countrymen from the north and from the south. Now, we are indeed "an indissoluble union of indestructible states." We are in very truth, "a government o the people, by the people, and for the peo ple," resting on an enduring foundation. As the fast vanishing lines of the surviving federal and confederate soldiers marching side by side in peace and amity enter the twilight in the fading afterglow of life's long day, soon to be forever -lost to mortal sight, of one thing we may rest assured, and that is, that whenever and wherever in future the battle line is drawn, there will be found the sons of these heroic fathers and of their scarcely less heroic mothers, standing side by side, shoulder to shoulder, in defense of the union and for the perpetuity of the government founded by our fathers. The contemplation of a glorious past stirs the blood in an hour like this, while the thought of a limitless future with all its possibilities, its hopes and fears, beckons our countrymen to the discharge of every duty and fidelity to every trust in peace even as the fathers were vigilant and faithful in war. MRS. STEVENS ADDRESS Following is the address of Mrs. Daisy Mc Laurin Stevens, delivered at unveiling of "con federate monument at Arlington the afternoon of Juno 4th. Behold its glorious beauty, one moment. mov ing us to ecstasies of delight, and again touched by its soulful pathos wringing from our eyes tears for the anguish that has been! As president-general United Daughters of the Con federacy I would that I could find words to ex press for our organization the deep gratitude we feel to the Arlington Confederate Monument as sociation of the United Daughters of the Con federacy for the untiring efforts in harmonious love to give for ud to the nation this exquisitely magnificent monument, wrought by our own, the south's greatest sculptor, Sir Moses Ezekiel. Colonel Herbert, in receiving this monument from your hands I am not unmindful of the labor of love that has been yours, and must needs breathe a prayer to the great God that the sunset rays of the evening of life have lengthened out your blessed days that you may praise with us. Hail! Hail! Hail, auspicious day!- - Yon lofty column, reared in air, To him who made our country great, Can almost cast its shadow where ' Tho victims of a grand despair, In long, long ranks of death await The last loud trump, tho Judgment-Sun, "Which comes for all, andoon or late, Will come for those at Arlington. Today marks the completion of our .seven years of patriotic toil. Ours is the rapture born of duty done, of hope deferred but at last ful filled. Wo present today this monument in memory of our confederate dead, though they need no pyramid to lift them to tho ages. Though nearly half a' hundred years have passed since they gave their souls back to tho God of Battles, they are as alive in our hearts and memories as when first with glad faces they marchod forth to tho wild sweet music of war beneath tho stars and bars. They sleep within the shadow of tho homo of Leo and in sight of the dome of the capitol of their fathers and thoir sons. Above floats tho flag they fought, but it does not wave above thoir dust in jeering triumph, but in loving protec tion. It seems to send from each stripe and star benediction upon their graves. We have erected to their memory a monu ment unsurpassed in beauty in all tho world. But fair and noble as its'beauty, that beauty is less fair and noble than the lives and deeds of those whose memory it proclaims and commem orates. Staunch and strong as its enduring bronze were their undaunted hearts. Lasting as its material, matched with their memory, it is as fading mists of morn jon mountain top. In this universe of chanco and change, in this world of birth and death, nothing material is immortal. Mountains sink to level lands, and stars grow cold and die. Great ideas and righteous ideals are alone immortal. The eternal years of God are theirs. The ideas our heroes cherished were and are beneficial as they are everlasting. .-.These were living then, they are living todays anil. shall live tomorrow and work the betterment of mankind. Thus our heroes are of those who, though dead, still toil for man, through the arms and brains of thoso their ex amples hve inspired and quickened to nobler things. . Across- the river stands the congressional library, domed with gold. Leading American artists were commissioned to decorate its marble walls. Their pictures were not only to charm the eye with the lure of color and the grace of form, but were also to purify the soul and touch the heart by the ideals they symbolized and por trayed. None of these frescos attract more than Alexander's curtain series illustrating the evo lution of the book. In the first picture of the series we see half-clad semi-savage men build ing with rough unhewn stones a monument to some dead sea-king's life and deeds. From tho dawn of time, until the present, men and women have built memorials to those they esteemed great, to those whose memories they hoped to perpetuate. Dull and hectic reds proclaim upon the pyra mids the triumph of' long fbrgotten kings, but bleeding prisoners walk between the chariot wheels. At Rome the Trojan column strives to lift unto the stars that buried Caesar's name, but around its haggard shaft great trains of captives wind in sculptured grief, and wring from gazing eyes' the sympathetic tear. In Paris in their marble mausoleum at last tho ashes of the great Napoleon are at rest, in a sarcophagus "fit for a dead deity" but the torn and blood stained banners waving there show that his towering throne- was built upon the bleeding hearts of .men. Such monuments mock and sadden each thoughtful heart. They hold aloft ideals of force and fraud. They show how in a pitiless mistaken past success could gild a crime. They teach that great talent even selfishly usea could evoke men's applause, and shut the "gates of mercy on mankind." But not all monuments are like these. Some are like tho monument the Daughters of the Confederacy dedicate today. They show the future how noble the past has been, and place it under bond to prove of equal worth. More than two thousand years ago Aeschines standing In the Agora of Athens warned the citizens that they would be judged by the men they honored. Seven decades since Wendell Phillips, standing in Boston, said, "The honors we grant mark how we stand." We of the south accept the test. We are willing to be judged by the honors we accord today. All government before America's birth rested on the principle that the masses of men were unfit to govern themselves. All past gov ernment had gone upon the idea that certain men were by divine rights another's lord. Our fathers believed that the aim of government was not the upholding of the throne of certain kinds, not the carrying of banners to uncon quered lands, but that the sole, legitimate aim was tho promotion of tho welfare of its citizens. They boliovod thoro was no treason except dls obedlonce to duty, no disloyalty except dis loyalty to noble Ideals and institutions nobly won. They had soen these American ideals of self government and freedom of thought not only at home, but they had soen them leap tho sea and topple down tho throne of bourbon kings, in Franco, and whore tho bastile loomed they be hold a shaft with freedom's statue crowned. They saw theso ideas shake tho stolid English man from his lethargy, and kings and parlia ment grant an over widening right of suffrage with evor rosultailt good. They saw these ideals light again In Groclan hearts tho fires that burned so brightly at Thormopalao and Salamis, and beheld the opening of tho conflict that yot shall cast tho Turk across the Syrian sea and place tho cross of Constantino on Stamboul's towers. They saw theso Ideas working In tho indus trial world a change yet more marvelous. They saw the human mind unchained at last from re straining fetters, display Itself In a thousand ma terial conquests. They saw all things that min istered to the comforts and luxuries of tho com mon, greater advances made during the sovonty years following tho proclamation of tho declara tion of Independence than had been achieved In all tho thousand years of the past. Freedom of thought, freedom of expression provod, as Jefferson predicted, a magic key that opened a thousand doors, where for centuries hidden treasures had lain untouched and unknown. Rights so valuable they would not lose. Such rights they felt should bo prlzod by all and made everlasting. Strange as It may seem, tho groat mass of soldiers in both armies of the war be tween tho states fought for the same Ideals. Thus our war presents tho unique spectacle of men fighting In opposite ranks for Ideals with like courage and persistence. As they fought for the same Ideals, as they each displayed courage, as they won immortality of fame, is it not well that their dust Is laid side by sldo under tho same flag? Is it not also well, that today their sons and their grandsons aro wearing tho same uniform, and not only in America but in' the distant islands of tho sea aro fighting for their fathers' form of government and their Ideals? Is It not also well that tho representatives of tho survivors of both armies aro with us here today? Is it not also well that there comes from the White House a president, southern by birth and breeding and northern by choice of residence and training? It would be both useless and Impertinent for mo to try to pralso or Vippralso our southern dead. Useless, because the world has done and will do that. Soldiers have laid laurels on their biers. Divines have quickened listening multi tudes to nobler things by tho recital of their deeds. Poets have embalmed their memory in tho honey of immortal verse. It would bo im pertinent, because only lips inspired of God could tell how southern hearts feel unto their southern dead. And now, Mr. President, I surrender thic monument Into your keeping, and through you to that of the nation. When Jefferson was con templating the Louisiana purchase did he think of the material greatness It would add to tho re public? Did he think of its mountains breasted with marble and veined with gold? Did he think of the living gold of wheat and corn that would flash on its bosom, capable of supporting an army that could dwarf to nothingness a dream of Caesar's or Napoleon's? Not so! Ho said he desired this territory In order that it might become tho homo of happy men and wom en living under American institutions. Yours, Mr. President, was Jefferson's spirit when at Mobile you said tho United Statei had no inter est in Mexico or any other foreign Jands except to see that the citizens enjoyed the right to the pursuit of happiness under a constitutional and just government. As long as the government shall rest in your hands and hands like yours, we feel sure American Institutions will not pasB from the earth, and that this monument will be not only a memorial of the past, but a symbol of tho present and tho future. In after years when American boys and girls shall look with reverence upon this bronze they shall thank God that they are Americans and shall resolve, that whether our flag shall float from polo to pole, whether our drum beat circles the sea at least American ideals shall shape the future and the empire of civic world be ours. I I t M -v. JJ - '!