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The Commoner
SEPTEMBER, 1913
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Just tho same as we have. And It Is an accepted
doctrine that no armistice can bo concerted with
rebels.
Tho assurance asked of my government that
it should promptly convene to free elections
is the most evident proof and tho most un
equivocal concession that the government of tho
United States considers it ' legally and solidly
constituted and that it is exercising, like all
those of its class, acts of such importance as to
indicate tho perfect civil operation of a sovereign
nation. Inasmuch as our laws already provide
such assurance, there is no fear that the latter
may not be observed during the coming elec
tions, and while the present government is of
a provisional character it will cede its place to
the definite government which may be elected
by the people.
The request that General Victoriano Huerto
should agree not to appear aB a candidate for
the presidency of the republic in the coming
elections can not be taken into consideration,
because, aside from its strange and unwarranted
character, there is a risk that the same might
bo interpreted as a matter of personal dislike.
This point can only be decided by Mexican public
opinion when it may be expressed at the polls.
The pledge that all parties should agree be
forehand to the results of the election and to
co-operate in the most loyal manner to support
and organize the new administration is some
thing to be tacitly supposed and desired, and
that the experience of what this internal strife
means to us in loss of life and the destruction
of property will cause all contending political
factions to abide by tho results; but it would bo
extemporaneous to make any assertion in this
respect, even by the most experienced countries
in civil matters, inasmuch as no one can fore
cast or foresee the errors and excesses which
men are likely to commit, especially under the
influence of political passion. We hasten to
signify our appreciation to the United States
of America because they agree from today to
recognize and aid the future which we, the
Mexican people, may elect to rule our destinies.
On the other hand, we greatly deplore the
present tension in our relations with your coun
try, a tension which has been produced with
out Mexico having afforded tho slightest cause
therefor. Tho legality of the government of
General Huerto can not be disputed. Article
85 of our political constitution provides:
"If at the beginning of a constitutional term
neither the president nor the vice president
elected present themselves, or if the election
had not been held and the results thereof de
clared by the 1st of December, nevertheless, the
president whose term has expired will cease in
his functions, and the secretary for foreign
affairs shall immediately take charge of the
executive power in the capacity of provisional
president; and if there should be no secretary
for foreign affairs, or if he should be incapaci
tated, the presidency shall devolve on one of
the other secretaries pursuant to the order pro
vided by the law establishing their number.
The same procedure shall be followed when, in
the case of the absolute or temporary absence
of the president the vice president fails to ap
pear, when on leave of absence from his post
if he should be discharging his duties, and
when in the course of his term the absolute
absence of both functionaries should occur."
Now, then, the facts which occurred are the
following: The resignation of Francisco I.
Madero, constitutional president, and Jose Maria
Pino Suarez, constitutional vice president of the
republic. These resignations having been ac
cepted, Pedro Lascurain, minister for foreign
affairs, took charge by operation of law of the
vacant executive power, appointing, as he had
the power to do, General Victoriano Huerto to
the post of minister of the interior. As Mr.
Lascurain soon afterwards resigned, and as his
resignation was immediately accepted by con
gress, General Victoriano Huerta took charge of
the executive power, also by operation of law,
with the provisional character and under the
constitutional promise already' complied" with
to issue a call for special elections. As will bo
seen, the point of issue is exclusively one of
constitutional law In which no foreign nation,
no matter how powerful and respectable it may
be, should mediate in the least.
Moreover, my government considers that at
the present time the recognition of the govern
ment of General Huerta by that of the United
States of America is not concerned Inasmuch as
facts which exist on their own account aro.not
and can not be susceptible of recognition. The
only thing which is being -discussed is a suspen
sion of relations as abnormal and without
An Economic Fallacy Exploded
With tho enactment of the new tariff law, tho
country will witness tho passing of an economic
fallacy which has for a long time done duty
In behalf of favor-seeking corporations.
In tho beginning, protection to infant Indus
tries was advocated as a means of giving variety
to our manufactures; its advocates at that tlmo
never thought of defending it as a permanent
institution. When tho infants reached lusty
maturity and still clamored for public assis
tance, tho champions of protection advanced to
now ground and began to insist upon a perman
ent tariff wall on the ground tbat production
here Is now, and must bo for tho future, more
expensive than abroad, although they have
steadily refused to investigate the difference In
cost.
It would seem difficult to conceive of a more
easily exploded fallacy than that which under
lies the present claims of the protectionists, and
yet many honest and sincere citizens have sup
ported this doctrine in spite of tho fact that
every industry which does not pay must bo car
ried upon the shoulders of those which do pay.
Every industry in this country which can not
stand alono must, of necessity, be a burden upon
the industries that can stand alone, and this is
not only an injustice to those industries upon
which the load is placed, but an actual sub
traction from the value of the total product. To
illustrate: If there are ten enterprises in a
community, each one self-supporting, tho total
value of the community's product will be tho
sum of tho products of the ten factories, and the
total profit will be the sum of tho profit of tho
ten. If, however, only nine of the Industries
are self-supporting and the tenth can live only
by enforced contributions from the other nine,
the total profit of the community is tho profit
of the nine LESS THE CONTRIBUTION MADE
TO THE TENTH.
No ono has been more successful in casting
ridicule upon the economic theory underlying
protection than the French economist Bastiet.
He uses three illustrations which have been
quoted all over the world by those who have had
to meet the economic fallacies upon which tho
case of protection rests. Refuting the conten
tion that a nation is justified in buying at homo
nt a high prlco that which it can purchaso
abroad at a low prlco, ho supposes tho follow
ing case: Two men aro alone on an Inland and
are making a canoe out of a log. Sotno boards
float up to tho shore, and one of tho men says:
"Lot ub make our canoe out of thoso boards.
It will save labor." Tho other replies, "No,
If wo uso the boards, what will we do with tho
labor that wo aro now putting into tho log?"
And, again, ho supposes that two men are sup
plying themselves with food and fruit by thoir
own effort, spending four hours in the morning
catching ganto and four hours In tho afternoon
gathering fruit. A man comes from another
island where they havo a groat deal of gamo but
no fruit and proposes to furnish thorn all tho
gamo they can catch in four hours for the fruit
that they can gather In two hours. Ono of tho
men says, "Let us do it, wo will save two
hours." Tho other replies, "No, wo would loso
tho two hours." The third illustration puts tho
manufacturers of candles in tho position of
petitioning to tho government to oxcludo tho
light of the sun on the ground that it coots tho
sun nothing to produce light and that they
therefore can not compnto with it rays. They
contend that they are thus deprived of tho
benefits they would derive from the larger do
mand for candles society, thoy claim, Is In
jured by tho freely furnished light of the orb
of day.
Of course Bastlet's position Is Indlgantly re
jected by tho. protectionists ns theorotical, and
yet even the beneficiaries of protection must
have a theory, however unsound tho theory is.
Their theory Is that if the people will give tho
protected interests the money to buy with, thoy
will uso tho money to purchaso the 'products ol
those who furnish tho money. This Is the homo
market idea; but what advantage is there In
having people buy your product If you, your
self, havo to supply the money which is to bo
paid back to you?
But tho day of delusion is passing and tho
people aro soon to learn how expensive has been
the deception practiced upon the public by those
who havo secured privileges and favors from tho
government. W. J. BRYAN.
reason, abnormal, because tho ambassador of the
United States of America, in his high diplomatic
investiture and appearing as dean of the foreign
diplomatic corps accredited to the government
of the republic, congratulated General Huerta
upon his elevation to the presidency, continued
to correspond with this department by means
of diplomatic notes, and on his departure left
tho first secretary of the embassy of the United
States of America as charge d'affaires ad In
terim, and the latter continues here in the free
exerciso of his functions; and. without reason,
because, I repeat, we have not given the slight
est pretext.
Tho confidential agent may believe that solely
because of the sincere esteem in which the
people and the government of the United States
of America are held by the people and govern
ment of Mexico, and because of the considera
tion which It has for all friendly nations (and
especially in this case for those which havo
offered their good offices), my government con
sented to take into consideration, and to answor
as briefly as the matter permits, tho representa
tions of which you are the bearer. Otherwise,
it would have rejected them immediately be
cause of their humiliating and unusual char
acter, hardly admissible even in a treaty of peace
after a victory, inasmuch as in a like case any
nation which in tho least respects Itself would
do likewise. It is because my government ha3
confidence in that when the justice of its cause
is reconsidered with serenity and from a lofty
point of view by the present president of the
"United ' States ' of America, whose sense of
morality and uprightness are bevond question,
that he will withdraw from his attitude and will
contribute to tho renewal of still firmer bases
for the relations of sincere friendship and good
understanding forcibly imposed upon us
throughout the centuries by our geographical
nearness, something which neither of us can
change, even though we would so desiro, by
our mutual interests and by our share of ac
tivity in the common sense of prosperity, wel
fare, and culture, in regard to which wo are
pleased to acknowledge that you are enviably
ahead of us.
With reference to the final part of the In
structions of President Wilson, which I beg to
Include herewith and which say, "If Mexico can
suggest any better way in which to show our
friendship, serve the people of Mexico, and moot
our international obligations, we are more than
willing to consider tho suggestion," that final
part causes mo to propose the following equally
decorous arrangement: One, that our ambas
sador be received in Washington; two, that tho
United States of America send us a new am
bassador without previous conditions.
And all this threatening and distressing situa
tion will have reached a happy conclusion; men
tion will not be made of the causes which might
carry us, if tho tension persists, to no one knowe
what incalculable extremities for two peoples
who have the unavoidable obligation to con
tinue being friends, provided, of course, that
this friendship Is based upon mutual respect,
which is indispensable between two sovereign
entities wholly equal before law and justice.
In conclusion, permit nie, Mr. Confidential
Agent, to reiterate to you the assurances of my
perfect consideration. F. GAMBOA,
Secretary for Foreign Affairs of the Republic.
A GOOD WORD
Editor of The Commoner: Enclosed find my
check for $1 subscription for Tho Commoner. I
received my first issue of the monthly. It cer
tainly is a great comfort to have the privilege of
reading such a splendid paper. To say that I
am delighted with it is putting it mildly. Let
the good work go on; truth will out; right will
prevail; The Commoner is one of the white
winged messengers that will tell the truth and
tell it straight. Wishing the paper success, I am,
yours most respectfully, B. F. SHIELpS.
Seattle, Wash., Aug. 22, 1913.
Tho country will havo to be shown why pro-)
gressive republicans in the senate, after argu
ing in favor of higher rates on incomes, went
Ijackwards and rejected a 1 per cent income
tax rather than repeal the extortionate tariff;
rates of the Payne-Aldrlch law.
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