The Commoner. t MARCH 7, 1913 rCURRGNT C4,- iS" - -tr-T&SSi. .- '""v- . : VaCiJSNv m --- . A PRESS DISPATCH from Washington re cently contained a serious error concerning a report on bananas made by Consul Drelier of Jamaica. In it Mr. Dreher was quoted aa say ing Jamaica alone exported 44,520,539 bunches of bananas in a year. Mr. Dreher really said that the total exports of bananas from all coun tries in 1911 amounted in round numbers to 53,000,000 bunches, Jamaica leading with ex ports of 1G, 497, 385 bunches, Costa Rica being second with 9,309,586, Honduras third with 6,500,000 and Colombia fourth with exports of 4,901,894 bunches. The United States, which imports more than five times as many bananas as any other country, received during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1912, a grand total of 44,520,539 bunches, of which Jamaica supplied 15,4G7,918; Honduras 7,151,178; Costa Rica 7,053,664; Panama 4,581,500, and Cuba 2,478, 581 bunches. w to t? THE tragic death, of Madero, the deposed presi dent of Mexico, has drawn out many in teresting descriptions of his career. A writer in the Boston Herald cayB: Born on October 4, 1873, on the Hacienda del Rosario in the state of Coahunla in northern Mexico, young Francisco Madero was sent to Europe to study at a very early age. His family was one of the richest in a country of great landlords, and their holdings in land and industrial Interests were calculated at not under $60,000,000. At the age of twenty-one Madero left the College of Versailles to enter the University of- California, where he studied English literature and scientific agriculture. With a view to fitting himself for the task of looking- after the vaBt interests of his family, he made a special study of cotton and rubber planting. On his return home ho apparently settled down to the easy and ample life of the rich Mexican planter, but all the time he was riding around his estates and interview ing his managers and agents the young Mexi can's mind was busy with problems. The dream of freeing the brown-skinned descendants of the Aztecs from the virtual slavery, which, under the name of "peonage," kept them riveted to the soil at a derisive wage, soon came to obsess his mind, and by writings and speeches he attempted to arouse the laboring class of his remote pro vince. The social propaganda which the young planter was carrying on among his poorer coun trymen did not fail to bo reported at Mexico City by some of the bbiquitous spies maintained by Porfirio Diaz, but the old dictator never stirred up trouble needlessly, and was content to let the agitation pass as the work of a crazy visionary until Madero went beyond tho stric tures of the land and labor tenure system and attacked tho muzzling of the press, the restric tions on free speech, the cruelty of th federal tax collectors, the graft of Diaz' immediate fol lowers and other peculiarities of the personal regime. These attacks on the dictatorship -were contained for the most part in a book entitled "Succession Presidential de 1910," which Madero published on the eve of becoming a' candidate for the presidentship. Diaz took the practical hut unconstitutional course of imprisoning the daring young candidate until the elections were over, with their usual result of giving him a further term of power. Largely owing to tho intercession of his father, who disclaimed all sympathy with his son's peculiar views, Fran cisco Madero was then let go under bonds. Ov fcrV 4V THE same writer continues: Instead of re turning to the hacienda to digest his lesson, Madero eluded the federal spies, crossed the American border ia the disguise of a peon and goon had headquarters at the Hotel Astor in New York, where a large number of refugee Mexican and soldiers of fortune gathered round him. Ia November, 1910, in spite of the vigi lance of United States secret service agents, he reached his native province by land, and pro claimed open war against Diaz. After some minor successes, which had the result of bring ing thousands of peasants to his banner, Madero issued his celebrated proclamation at San Luis Potosi: "Now that the people of Mexico," this document ran, "are alive to the situation aad understand perfectly the dangers which threaten them in the continued dictatorship which hns tyrannized over thorn for tho last thirty years, they should prepare to conquor or die. Tho time for the strugglo is at hand, and should it be required, let the last drop of bjood be shed to ovorthrow the tyrant." Practically all tho ele ments desirous of a change joined Madero, and the Juarez regime collapsed like a house of cards. Madero showed unexpected military, talent and won his way, by a series of small battleB to the stronghold of Juarez, tho seat of. the federal power in Chihuaha and northern Mexico. Its occupation early Ih 1911 broke the back of the Diaz resistance, and tho march on to the capital was ono of triumph. Officers and men of the old army deserted by thousands, and on May 25, after a fruitless .effort to come to terms, the aged president resigned and wont to Europe. On October 1, 1911, Madero was elected president for a term of six years. W T OF tho victorious general of tho rebel forces, a writer in tho New York Sun says: Felix Diaz has snatched victory from tho teeth of com plete failure. When the movoment so brilliantly begun at Vera Cruz suddenly collapsed, even some of the rebel's friends and followers con demned what they call his lack of shrewd and careful leadership. It is always easy to criticise. The rebel leader had been tricked against all rules of civilized -warfare by a general whom ho had known since ho was a young cadet in the military academy of which tho general had been the commandant. That tho death sentence passed upon Felix Diaz by the court-martial was not put Into effect was due merely to tho force of public opinion and the fear of tho govern ment, for its members know that Diaz's execu tion would have aroused the whole country against them. They had not dared to carry out the sentence. Those who knew Felix Diaz inti mately did not lose thetf confidence in him oven after his setback, and they predicted that if he were not killed he would give further account of himself. A man without Impulses, solf;con tained and deliberate, who loves his country above anything else, and who in spite of the difficult position he occupied during his uncle's regime has never lost a friend that is Felix Diaz. He represents the link between Mexico of the past and Mexico of tho future, for, while he admires his Uncle Porfirio Diaz, the magician who brought order out of chaos, and was an important lever in tho machinery of government, he is fully alive to the requirements of young Mexico and In thorough sympathy with its pro gressive aspirations. A man of medium height, barely ovor forty-two years old, ho has an Im posing personality and dignified mien that re minds one strongly of Porfirio Diaz. The lines of his dark face are regular and handsome. While his jaw has not the extreme prominence .of that of his uncle, it is squaTe and with the protruding chin and firm mouth reveals a strong character. His dark eyes are Inscrutable and his countenance is usually impassive. The face is that of a man who has seen much of the worst side of life, whose experience Is much greater than that of other men of his age. Felix Diaz: is known as tho man who keeps his own counsel and has learned how to wait. . It is only when he smiles and that ho does no do very often that he reveals an extremely human side and that one feels the magnetism of his strong personality. From the generally accepted de scription of Porfirio Diaz and that of his nephew, one would think them as men of stone. Yet seldom have I met men whose latent magnetic force I felt more strongly than that of tho two Diazes. i3 i O DESCRIBING his first impressions with the elder Diaz, Porfirio, the Sun writer says that upon leaving theelder Diaz ho felt fchat he had found a friend. Referring to the younger Diaz tho Sun writer adds: The same was my impression later when I felt the firm grasp of Felix Diaz's hand and looked into his smiling face. Yet before that, for a long time I had believed him unfriendly toward me, Felix Diaz hag always been a? man of few words, retiring ia nature, with little inclination for soeial life, and fond of his family. The only son of a e loyed brother of Porfirio Diaz, he was carefully educated under the supervision of his uncle. Ho entered the military career, going through tho full regular courso of tho Moxican military academy, whence he was graduated a lioutonnnt of tho engineering corps. While in tho .cadomy and aftorward no special favors wore shown to tho nophew of Don Porfirio, and his wise undo refrained from advancing him too fast. In tho courso of years and when still a major ho was appointed chief of the president's staff. Al though constantly cIoho to tho old president and loyal to him, Felix Diaz soon showed a spirit of calm Independence and shnrod with his contemporaries a love for political freedom. Without asking any ono's permission, on a cer tain date Felix Diaz presented himself ns a can didate for governor of tho state of Oaxaca. Tho young man was undoubtedly popular and for a while it looked as if ho would win against the government candidate But shortly beforo the stlmc of "election" Felix Diaz was appointed Mexican minister to Chill and sent away to ace tho world. Reluctantly he accepted tho honor conferred upon him. On his return to Mexico two years later, he was appointed chlof of pollco of Mexico City, a post ontailing great respon sibility, as he not only had under his supervision tho policing of tho city but was personally re sponsible for the safety of the president and tho cabinet. Perhaps the best conception of the man will be had from the fact that during tho many years ho wus chief of police under tho autocratic rulo of his uncle ho counted his friends even among those opposed to tho Diaz regime. In all my years of residence in Mexico, and during a time when most government offi cials were subject to bitter accusations first covert and then open of graft and abuse of power, I havo never heard such a charge made against Felix Diaz. Yet this man know more ubout the private affairs and life of most Mexi cans than any other man In the country, his undo excepted. While Felix Diaz know tho secret of keeping in the background, ho took an active part and lively interest in tho affairfl of his country. As much as he admired and loved his uncle, and perhaps because of this, ho was opposed to many of the men who surrounded him and practically held in the last few years tho reins of government. To my personal knowledge Felix Diaz never resorted to subterfuge or tried to hido his feelings in this respect, but often was in open disagreement with tho vice presi dent, the late Mr. Corral, and with the gover nor of the federal district, on both of whom he was officially dependent. & 5 J& A REMINDER of old tlmo labor days Va given In a Sioux City (Ia.) Journal edi torial, as follows: "A .Reminder of Other Days. J. R. Sovereign, a former Iowa news paper man, labor leader and democratic' poll ticlan, ia living at Keller, Ferry county, state of Washington. "He is more than four scoro years of age," a correspondent says in writing to the Journal, -t'yct is doing a fair amount of literary work, and the fishing in tho San Poll river, close by, is superb, Needless to add that his closing years are passing peacefully." Mr. Sovereign was commissioner of labor statistics for four years (1890-94), during tho governor ship of Horace. Boles. Mr. Sovereign collected statistics on tho cost of raising corn In this state, and figured out that tho farmers wero raising this staple at a loss. Governor Boles fathered tho conclusions of Mr. Sovereign's re searches in some of his political speeches, notably on the occasion of a visit to New York. Tho matter was In the newspapers for some time, and was made the excuse for many gibes. As Governor Boies was extensively engaged In farming In Grundy county, his Indorsement gave weight to the commissioner's conclusions. It can not be denied at this late day that Iowa farmers at that time were not as a class pros perous, and it is to be hoped that the price of corn may never drop to tho level of that time again. Mr. Sovereign did not Ix responsibility at the time on the political party to which he was attached and which he sought in all ways open to him to serve. Mr. Cleveland was i jwgurated for his secoad term on the 4th e March, 1893, and industrial coaditieas were met at all agreeable throughout Mr. Stareretfk's service as commissioner of labor statistics. v ??v u "v