iilSWWirjywrSWWf-r r ; imjBr!fHp WTOWNMr ip T-TfqM(iSB iff r'"" TW?Kr The Commoner. 3 FEBRUARY 28, 1913 s ' rTry"s8r,w7T ffwi m, Something About "Joe'' Tumulty, Secretary to the President The Now York correspondent for the "Wheel ing (W. Va.) Register says: When Joseph .P. Tumulty wan appointed private secretary to Governor Wilson some years ago friends of the governor at least a few of them shook their heads and said they feared he would not "make good." They did not doubt his ability, but they feared his youth. They did not suspect his loyalty and faithfulness, but they hesitated to trust his experience. When Joseph P. Tumulty was appointed pri vate secretary to the next president of the United States, Woodrow Wilson, the other day, these same doubters brought their fists down on their desks and said: "Best appointment that could have been made. Will he make good? Hasn't ho made good? Watch him. He will show Washing ton somo things." In selecting Mr. Tumulty as secretary to the president after, March 4, Mr. Wilson judged the young man's ability to give the public the presi dent's official thoughts and actions by his suc cess as secretary to the governor in helping to launch Mr. Wilson's career as a statesman. The names of many men of wide repute were on Mr. , Wilson's list, but he joyously struck them all off, pinning his faith on Mr. Tumulty, whose experience in things political has been limited to New Jersey, because 'of his abiding faith in the young man's common sense, integrity and good judgment, and his devotion to the new progressive doctrines. Besides, the president elect and his family have a genuine liking for him. Mr. Tumulty knows that he is stepping into one of the most important positions in the country. He knows it is beset with stumbling blocks and harassing details of all kinds. To fill it properly as has been shown by such men as Daniel S. Lamont, George B. Cortelyou and TVilliam Loeb, Jr., one has to foe at once a poli tician a diplomatist, a statesman, a tactician, and a "jollier." In addition ho must be acquainted with men in all walks of life in all parts of the coun try and must be intimately familiar with all matters, large and small, which are pending before congress, the president or the cabinet. Ho must know whether or not the president can be interrupted. He must know when Senator Smith or Jones or Johnson calls whether he shall keep them waiting or apprise the presi dent at once of their presence. He must know whom to dismiss without even bothering the president with an announcement. Ho must know when to step quietly into the president's inner office and in some adroit manner do some thing to let the visitor who is taking too much of the president's time know that it is time to go. But he must not offend. To offend con tinually is the surest path to the downfall of the secretary most of all a secretary to the president. As has been shown in the past, a few errors of judgment In dealing with the big. men who call constantly at the White House can not only embarrass the administration "but render the secretary useless to further services. All matters of importance which come before the president first pass through his secretary. All matters of importance wliich the president Initiates are talked over with the secretary. This latter Is done for the double purpose of acquainting the secretary with all the facts and phases of the matter and also to get his judg ment. Mr. Tumulty has been in the New Jersey state limelight since the beginning of 1907, but he has been "in politics" since he was a school-boy, when he began making campaign speeches for democratic "regulars." He is n.ow in his thirty third year. He served four years in the as sembly, hewing an independent course, defeat ing the political bosses on several occasions. He attracted the attention of the president-elect, then president of Princeton university, and re tired to "private life" in 1910. At the same time Mr. Wilson was nominated for governor. They did not become acquainted until the cam paign got under way, and they have been close friends ever since. Mr. Tumulty was appointed secretary to the governor in January, 1911, and continued In that office, giving Mr. Wilson the benefit of his knowledge about the 'ways of New Jersey poli ticians, even after he was made clerk of the New Jersey supremo court in November, 19i2. That, in brief, Is the political history of tho man who will be the next president's secre tary at tho White House. Mr. Tumulty has always lived in tho fifth ward of Jersey City, a neighborhood of hats and tenement houses with an unsightly Little Italy stretching along tho rugged edge of the ward. It was hero that Joe Tumulty later did much missionary work as a democratic progressive, which helped Mr. Wilson to make unpopular the tactics of the democratic bosses. Mr. Tumulty's boyhood days were spent In an atmosphere of politics. His father, Philip Tumulty, father of thirteen children, was. a politician before him. All his neighbors talked politics in the old Fifth ward for lack of other diversions, and young Tumulty jcaught the spirit of the ward early. While ho was still a pupil at St. Peter's college In Grand street, Jersey City, conducted by the Jesuit fathers, he decided he would be a statesman. As a small boy attending St. Bridget's paro chial school, Tumulty had. a very boyliko idea that when he grew to bo a man ho would be a first-class carpenter. His former playmates from the flats and tho tenements tell stories about Joe to the effect that his oft expressed desire to bo a carpenter was based largely on his liking for little Mary Catherine Byrne, whoso father, Patrick Byrne, a church carpenter and builder, lived a short distance from the Tumul ty home. Mr. Tumulty spent much of his time among the shavings and saw-horses in Mr. Byrne's shop, and he daily saw little Mary. They attended tho parochial school together and frequently walked home together with Mary's book tucked under his arm. Tho union was a success in every particular, Mr. Tumulty de clares, and he ought to know, as ho is tho father of six children, two boys and four girls. Mr. Tumulty studied law after his graduation from St. Peter's and was .admitted to tho bar as an attorney in 1902. His practice was con fined to the trial of small cases. It was root until after his election as gover nor that Mr. Wilson learned that Bob Davis, tho Hudson county boss, and former United States Senator James Smith, of ."Ussex county, did not take seriously Mr. Wilson's determina tion that James B. Martjnc, the farmer orator, who had received a plurality at the first New Jersey preferential primaries for United States senator, was entitled to election by tho state legislature. Mr. Tumulty was the first Hudson county democrat of prominence to volunteor his ser vices to Mr. Wilson to carry on tho fight to bring tho bosses to time. Mr. Wilson won his fight and Martine was elected. It is admitted that Joe Tumulty is a natural born fighter In politics. Tho Tumulty family has long prided Itself, on its "tumultuousness," and politically Joe Tumulty, like his distin guished chief, has been progressively tumultu ous. That is one of tho principal reasons why ho Is going to Washington. There is perhaps still further reward to Mr. Tumulty than being appointed secretary to the next president. The secretaryship usually leads to both fame and fortune. Daniel S. Lamont be came a power in the financial world. He has been described as the greatest private secretary to a president in 40 years. Grover Cleveland trusted his judgment implicitly. George B. Cor telyou, with a dozen choice offers to select from, became president of the Consolidated Gas com pany of New York at a salary which may bo any where from $50,000 to $100,000. William Loeb, jr., became collector of the Port of New York and just recently has been taken up by one of the largest smelting concerns and placed in charge of Its administrative affairs. "THE NEW FREED03I" A scathing arraignment of "Big Business" Is contained In President-elect Wilson's pre-in-auguratlon book, "The New Freedom," a copy of which was received by the Item recently. The president-elect not only relteratei his attacks npon the trusts of tho United States but sounds a new warning to the great financial in terests of the country. The work is one of the most remarkable ever put in the field, both by reason of tho bitterness of its arraignment of the present financial system and by Its exploi tation of a future presidential policy. No other chief executive of the United States since t)be declaration of Independence has porformed the font of Mr. Wilson on the ovo of taking office. Ho not only attacks tho trusts and monopolies of tho country, but makes it clear that ho will do all in his power to legitimately restoro trade competition and Individual opportunity and to disentangle community centralization which, ho snys, has bocomc dangerously co-ordlnntcd. Mr. Wilson arraigns ex-President Roosevelt and his program of benevolent monopoly;' strongly advocates tho policy of tho initiative, referendum and recall, with the exception of tho recall of the judiciary; chnrgos tho existence of a money trust, and expounds at length his politi cal philosophy. He explains that ho is not tho actual author of the book, but that it Is a col lection of tho more suggostlvo portions of his campaign speeches put togother by William Bay ard llaio with such Interpolations as would ren der tho work an actual exposition of Mr. Wil son's views. Tho book Is signod by Mr. Wilson. Tho prefaco contains tho following: "This book is an attempt to express tho now spirit of our politics and to set forth In largo terms, which may stick In tho Imagination, what It Is that must bo done, If wo are to restore our politics to their spiritual vigor again and our national life, whether in trade, Industry or In what concerns us only as families and Individ uals, to Its purity, its self respect and Chris tian strength and freedom." In writing under tho subject, "Monopoly or Opportunity?" Mr. Wilsoh says: "I admit tho popularity of tho theory that tho trusts havo come about through tho natural development of business conditions In tho United States and that it is a mistake to try to opposo tho processes by which they havo been built up. "I answer, nevertheless, that this attitude rosts upon a confusion of thoughts. Big busi ness is no doubt, to a large extent, necessary and natural. Tho development of business upon a largo scale, upon a groat scale of co-operation, is inevitable and, let mo add, Is most probable. But that is a very different matter from tho growth of trusts, because trusts have not grown; they havo been artificially created. "For my part I want tho pigmy (littlo busi ness) to havo a chance and I foresee tho time when tlio pigmies will bo so much more athletic than tho giants that It will be a case of Jack-the-Giant-Killor. I take my stand absolutely, whore every progressive ought to take his stand, on tho proposition that private monopoly Is inde fonslblo and intolerable And I will fight my battle. And I know how to fight It. I am per fectly willing that they (tho trusts) should best any competitor by fair means; but I know tho foul means they have adopted and 1 know that they can bo stopped by law. What wo want to do Is to disentangle this colossal 'community of interests.' " After an analysis of progressive party tenets, Mr. Wilson finds that "tho now party legalizes monopoly and systematically subordinates work ing, men to them and to plans mado by tho government both with regard to wages and with regard to employment." "Take the thing as a whole," says Mr. Wilson, "and It looks strangely like economic mastery over tho very lives and fortunes of those who do tho dally work of the nation; and all this under the overwhelming power and sovereignty of tho national government. "Tho man who Is leading the new party has not changed his point of view since he was president of tho United States; It Is surprising that such a man was not again chosen president of the United States and allowed to patent tho present processes of Industry and personally direct them how to treat the people of tho United States. "Our system of credit Is privately concen trated. The growth of the nation, therefore, and all our activities are in the hands of a few men who, even if their actions are honest, necessarily check and chill and destroy genuine economic freedom. The great monopoly of this country is a monopoly of credit. So long as that exists, our old variety and freedom and individ ual energy of development are out of the ques tion." Mr. Wilson alleges that monopoly has mado Invention unwelcome and almost impossible, and warns tho republican party that it Is being de luded into playing false. He reiterates hln in tention of pruning the republican protective tariff but scouts the idea that he Is an advocate of free trade. The book will undoubtedly create a sensa tion throughout the country coming, as it does, as a forecast of what is' to bo expected of the democratic administration. Mobile (Ala.) Item. ,ft