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VOLUME 13, NUMBER g
2
The Commoner.
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17
G
overnor
Wilson Has Definite Policy
Tronton correspondence of tho New York
TIiiicb: Tho flood of comment that has boon
unloosed by tlio presentation to tho legislature
of Governor Wilson's seven anti-trust bills
furnishes another Illustration of what seems to
bo a general misconception of tho governor's
methods. It may help to clear up tho situation
a little If this misconception is removed. It is
ono which is sure to cause misleading comment
on everything he does and says after ho be
comes president unless it is removed as soon as
possible. ,.
Tho prevailing note in tho comment on tho
"ooven sisters" as the governor calls the bills,
was ono of surpriso that he should be so very
doflnito all of a sudden after being so very
vague and Indefinite in tho speeches ho has de
. livercd since election day. Hitter complaint
' wan made after theso speeches the one made
at Staunton, Chicago and Trenton becauso ho
uttered only generalities and did not lay down
a specific program. It was argued that tho
country had a right to know just what it had
to expect from him, and that instead of lotting
it know he contented himself with vaguo pro-
nunciamentos that seemed to conceal thfoats.
Thon came tho "seven sisters" and tho tone of
tho commont way one of stupiflcatlon over his
extremo deflnitencss.
If tho country is to get along comfortably
under President Wilson's administration it
should get acquainted with his methods as early
as possible. Ho intends to be perfectly clear
and doflnito at tho right timo and place, and
ho does not regard a dinner tablo as tho place.
Ho docs regard an official communication as tho
place.
Tho country will look in vain, under Presi
dent Wilson's administration, for any formal
programs tossed off at banquets, a custom much
in vogue under the past two administrations.
It is not likely to get them, either, in letters
nominally addressed to some intimate friend
and actually given to tho press before tho inti
mato friend gets them through tho mails. It
is more likely to get tliem in special messages
to congress than in any other way. It will thon
bo found that tho now president can be definite
and precise enough.
His conception of the usos of after-dinner
speeches differ from that of his two immediate
predecessors, in them ho lays down a general
lino of thought, resorving specifications to be
made through a more formal medium. To his
friends hero it seems that In tho trilogy of
speeches referred to he specifies the general
aim of his administration definitely enough, and
that .was all ho was willing to do, or will ever
bo willing to do in an after-dinner speech. That
his plans are deflnitencss itself was shown in
"the soven sisters," and will bo shown again
after tho 4th of March, but only in official
communications.
This is a reversion to methods that prevailed
before President Roosevelt's time. Roosevelt
.availed himself of every method that camo to
hand when ho wanted to get his plans before
tho public. President Taft has gone much
further, making more of his announcements of
policy in casual and unofficial speeches than he
has made in any other way. Tho country has
grown accustomed to it, but it does not fit in
with Governor Wilson's idea.
Tho three speeches referred to havo been
taken together as ono speech, which, indeed,
they are, and as constituting a sudden threat to
business. But there was an earlier ono which
should be ranked as tho llrst chapter in the
series, and the only reason why it has not been
so ranked Is because its purport was not as
clearly understood as that of the subsequent
ones has been.
That was tho speech he delivered in New
York just after he returned from Bermuda, the
only other speech ho has delivered since elec
tion. It was the speech in which ho talked
of building a gibbet higher than Hainan's for
any one who started a panic. The misunder
standing of that Bpeech extended so far in some
quarters it was actually interpreted as a threat
to the progressive element in congress, while tho
most common misconception was that it was a
glittering generality intended to make overy
, hody feel comfortable without really threaten
t Ing anybody.
But it was Chapter I in the list of four
- speeches declaring tho general aim of his ad
ministration. Then camo the Staunton speech
In which ho warned business that it could not
regard its wealth as gained for irresponsible use,
and it began to bo perceived that tho president
elect was not talking mere platitudes, but was
foreshadowing a policy. Some people began to
get uneasy. . ,
The Chicago speech followed, with its warn
ing to business that reform must come with the
plea that business should help and not hinder,
and there was a burst of bewildered anger, rno
Trenton speech came two days later, with its
announcement that in carrying out the adminis
tration's policy only progressives would be put
on guard. Tho quartet of speeches was com
plete. Governor Wilson will deliver no more
until after his inauguration.
However Governor Wilson may bo assailed
for vagueness, his friends believe that he sot
out to accomplish a definite end and did
accomplish it. Ho intended to show "tho in
terests" the camp wherein he had pitched his
tent and to notify them publicly of tho danger
that would lie in regarding him as a "reaction
ary" president. He did it so that they might
take notice before .he became president and save
him the necessity of taking a" course of action
which otherwise ho might be forced to take. As
was said in conversation by ono senator, who
will bo ono of his lieutenants on the floor of
tho senate: "lie is saying certain things so
that he may not be obliged later to do certain
other things."
This is as far as Governor Wilson intended
to go, his friends say, and as far as he will go
until ho can make the definite recommendations
ho has in mind through official channels. It is
not likely that his inaugural address will con
tain anything more definite in the way of pro
gram than did, for instance, President Lincoln's
first inaugural, or, for that matter, his second.
After that the president will find plenty of ways
to show how definite his plans are without
adopting President Taft's methods of publish
ing them after dinner.
PRANCE ITS LIGHTS AND SHADOWS
By William H. B. Bayward, Philadelphia, Pa.,
author of "Progress in Advanced Countries."
References: Chambers Encyclopaedia; France
of the French, published by Charles Scribner's
Sons, New York; United States government re
ports and World Almanac.
Franco has been noted for many years as
"the playground of Europe," and the people of
all nations flock there to enjoy its beauties and
amuse themselves. It has a fine climate, the
north resembling that of England, slightly
modified, whilo in tho south it is semi-tropical.
Paris is probably tho most beautiful city in the
world.
1. Since 1790 France (including Corsica)
has been divided into departments, and each
department divided into arrondissements, can
tons and communes. There are 87 departments.
2. Legislation is in the hands of a national
assembly, composed of two chambers (the cham
ber of deputies and the senate.) In the former,
members are elected for four years by universal
suffrage. The members of the senate are elected
by special bodies of delegates for nine years, one
third returning every three years. The presi
dent is elected for seven years by a majority of
the votes of the members of the two chambers
and can not be re-elected. He appoints and dis
misses the ministers of state, who are responsible
to the assembly, and may take part in its de
liberations. The ministry is composed of twelve
members. There are about 300 senatore and
S92 deputies.
3. The railways partly belong to the state
and partly have been granted to private com
panies for a limited period, at the end of which
time, they become state property. There are
also certain local lines that come into the pos
session of the departments at the end of fixed
periods. "
4. Education is free and compulsory. France
now has a larger revenue, expenditure and public
debt than any other nation in the world
5. Wages are comparatively low and the
living cost is higher than in England, but there
are not so many out of work that are willing to
work. The French women are very economical
dress neatly and keep their families on verv
little. The workers are far better off today than
before the revolution. Their condition previous
ly was simply terrible and they were worse off
than many slaves.
6. The land is now held largely by tho
peasants and whole families sometimes live from
the proceeds of from two to five acres of ground
through careful cultivation of the soil. When
tho land 'and crops are good, the owners are
comfortable when not, they often have a very
hard timo to make ends meet.
7. Considerable of the land is rented by the
owners on a' percentage basis to the peasants.
8. Agricultural syndicates, societies and
banks advance funds to agriculturists crippled
by want of sufficient capital. Schools and col
leges are established that teach the best methods
of farming. To grow tobacco is a privilege
granted by the state, that buys every crop at a
fair price.
9. The government manufactures its own
matches, which are of poor quality and about
10 per cent are worthless.
10. There are numerous taxes to be paid
The ordinary tax on tho house is regulated on
the basis of rental; there is also a land tax, an
other on doors and windows; others on car
riages, carts, bicycles, dogs, etc. Each commune
or district levies a tax for keeping up the roads.
As it is now, there are too many different kinds
of taxes and this will probably he changed by
substituting an income tax instead.
11. The tariff and taxes make. the cost of
living about 20 per cent -higher in France than
in England. Clothing also costs5 more, when tho
value is considered. ;-
12. There are too many laws and too much
official supervision over the people in both
France and Germany. t The majority of those
who leave these countries do so on this account
and to escape military service, which is com
pulsory in both for those who are physically able.
13. The condition of the poor in Franco is
not satisfactory. There are no "boards of guar
dians to look after them and no workhouses to
provide for them when in need. There aro some
almshouses, but not near enough to meet re
quirements. The poor plead for help at the
churches and public places. Poverty is one of
the greatest causes for crimes and desperate
deeds committed in Paris often come from this.
If the conditions of the workers were improved,
there would be less need for jails.
14. Public assistance under state direction is
given to hospitals and foundlings. Paupers, are
buried. The money for this, comes from' the
gross receipts of all places of amusement -tho
tax being 9 per cent. The people themselves are
very charitable and give freely to the poor so far
as they are able. Churches and religious orders
help largely.
15. The government, through establishments
or its own, advances money on pledges given by
tho people at barely enough interest to pay ex
penses. 1 G. The French are great gamblers and there
aro a large number of lottery schemes and
gambling houses from whom the state collects
15 per cent.
17. Free nurseries for children whoso
mothers work are provided by the government.
i Ii G l,are many manufacturing interests,
nut the small farmer is the backbone of the
nation.
General conditions between capital and labor
nv un;asfactory and unless further changes
Sl? e,t0 hel? the workers more, there is great
inPr anotner revolution before long. The
"S hav1eno1t taken enough personal interest
r?1Itical life to tho Past.
tw i?w,n.g s?ows flnaacial conditions:
France $Pqqa7iCirCAlati0n' United States' 34'59'
UnHn,?' It 1 . Average deposit per inhabitant,
lP L-8' $46'23; Franc 25.48. Aver
SSnSPSl46.SLUnt' UDited StatGS' 466'44;
nrl.a PE ? Selccte(1 Speeches. Revised and
tw? t ln a convenent two-volume edition.
adlLrnl?'68 Mr' Bryan'a mst notable
SSXSf ai d orations and cover the chief
7 J ? and features of his career as
ami fn'Sf advocate. A familiarly intimate
Marv BiatpS bIoeVaPhical introduction by
ThMwn dn.,Bryan', his wife' Pens Volume I.
addreS rnUf!eS' bUnd in cloth' sent to anv
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