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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 31, 1913)
m5WK!T1,w r-w -rnKTHWJ! l iTTT? """ T ' 'rV V ""fas- " "k wiy'fy"wr fi" ,n-f"j5PjWW0fT- f "TP TWW-JpW The Commoner. WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR WOL. 13, NO. 4 Lincoln, Nebraska, January 31, 1913 Whole Number 628 The American Constitution iHQKM rM&ft 1 -J U . ?$ s )tjM "SfjflsT vmSsGv nAFi. January 15, 1913. Mr. Boris snatzicy, Igishlnskaja No. 19, St. Petersburg, Russia. My Itear Sir: Your favor at hand. I regret ex- dingly that I was not able to meet you while ISithls country, especially since I fear, from your ifiJtter, that you have returned to Russia with an Kroneous opinion of our constitutional system, Bsfcoinpared with that of Great Britain. ''dBK'ri. t 4-. 4Vo4- 1-i - miMinrn rt flin Amnrlpnn 'l 5CP ... . . . . m . -- J y constitution neagea aDout tne exerciBe or popu f ." . .. .. ... . ... ,,. . ' , Jar autnority witn restrictions, some oi wmcn W$k .r now recognized as unnecessary, and we 'H&fAC, . , ... .. .,.. ., ..1..H Must aamit, too, mat written constuuuous yro OJMig the period required for the making of rafianges in laws and customs. But I believo SSkt the greater deliberation compelled by a Sonstitution is an advantage, rather than a dis- ffi&vantage. and that arguments based upon such Wri-., ''Wflilays as the constitution invites are outweighed y.tf 'Xl other benefits. s TExperience has justified the wisdom of the iOiMframers of our constitution in separating the tticutive, legislative and judicial departments mtff;tiia government, and in estaoiisninc a system wchecks and balances which compels co-opera Mtlon between a large number of persons. Those prepared, tne constitution, wnno zeaious vocates of popular government, wore anxious protect the people against ambitious individ- The danger from ambition still exists, t as there is now a larger confidence in the elligenco and capacity of the people, we aTe ' rlii nil v fihsincrimr mich nrovisirmH of thn con stitution as unnecessarily restrain popular PSBtion. For instance, there is before the states for ratification, a constitutional amendment, re famtly submitted, providing for the popular 'lection of senators. This will doubtless become aTpart of the constitution as soon as the states can act upon it. A movement is also on foot to make the con stitution more easily amendable, and I have no itoubt that this will succeed, although it may be several years before the reform is accomplished. &t present, an amendment to the constitution must be submitted by a TWO-THIRDS vote of both houses, and then ratified by a THREE- FOURTHS of the states. There is no good reason why an amendment should not be sub mitted by a MAJORITY vote of both houses; neither is there any valid reason why more than a majority of the states If they include a ma jority of the population should be required for ratification. The initiative and referendum, as you sug gest, are being adopted in the states. The initia tive and referendum furnish a better method of submitting questions to the judgment of the voters than the English method of dissolving parliament. When a vote is taken upon INDI VIDUALS, it is impossible to confine the election ,, to any one issue, although some particular uVi&'SwSmJuIEto TwsSiKtt ' .'tow 'N? r'A rf ' '.i :"& . .-.,, . :i Mm CONTENTS THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION PROGRESSIVES TO ADVISE SHEPPARD SHOULD BE SENATOR FOSS ON GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP WILL THEY GET TOGETHER? SENATOR ASHURST'S SPEECH WALL STREET AND WOODROW WILSON IRISH HOME RULE CONTINGENCIES GOV. WILSON'S ANTI-TRUST LAWS ENGLAND AND ITS WAYS HOME DEPARTMENT NEWS OF THE WEEK WASHINGTON NEWS questions may bo tho cause of the appeal to the people. Party ties havo weight and personal popularity has its influence, so that tho re-election of a member of parliament does not depend entirely upon his position upon tho question of issue. When, however, a question is presented under tho initiative and referendum tho people vote upon tho naked proposition and are not so much influenced by either party ties or personal friendship. You will find also that tho manner of nomi nating our candidates for congress, and, under the primary, our senators also, is much more democratic than the method employed In Great Britain. A member of congress must reside in the state from which ho is chosen, and, in almost every instance, he resides In his congressional district. His nomination depends upon tho voters of his party in hii3 district, and not upon any national committee on outside organization. Tho short term of our congressmen also tends to keep theni in close touch with tho people. Then, again, our system of paying a salary enlarges the class from which representatives may bo chosen, whereas in Groat Britain only a limited number are able to indulge tho luxury of service in parliament, except In the com paratively few caseB whore labor or other organizations pay tho salaries of members, and then tho members are not as free as ours are to represent the whole constituency. Class consciousness is a factor that must bo taken into account4&-representati:eJKgovernment, .as elsewhere, and we approach toward popular government in proportion as we permit freedom in tho selection of those who are to speak ror the people. I do not mean to deny that England's system has some advantages, but I believo that our system has more and greater advantages and that tho English people are much more likely to borrow from our system than we are to borrow from theirs. In fact, they have recently adopted our method of paying a salary to mem bers of parliament. There is no comparison between our senate and the house of lords. Whilo our senate is not so immediately responsive to public senti ment as our house of representatives it will become, as soon as popular election is secured, more responsive than it has been in tho past it is much more so than tho British house of lords. The measure recently exacted, limiting the veto power of tho house of lords, was a con fession that the old system had outlived Its use fulness. I note what you say in regard to the Influence exerted by Speaker Cannon and Senator Aid rich. Speaker Cannon's influenco was due to the rules of the house, which enabled him to build up a machine through the appointment of committees, and, to a degree, determine tho course of legislation. This evil has already been corrected in the house of representatives, the power of appointing having been taken from the speaker and lodged In the party caucus. This is a step toward more representative gov ernment. The plan adopted In the last congress may bo modified, as experience discloses its faults,. but the modifications will be In the direction of rules more surely reflecting the will of tha people. Senator Aldrich's influence was due partly to his ability, partly to length of service and partly to the rules of the senate which recognize the rule of seniority to an indefensible extent. It Is probable that these rules will, in tho near future, be so changed as to bring the senate organiza tion more into harmony with popular govern - ment. I can not leave this particular branch of the subject without adding that a part of Senator Aldrich's prestige was due to the Influence which could be exerted over some of the senators by the large business interests that supported the policies favored by. Senator Aldrich. The in fluence of these special interests is being re duced so that I think there will be loss to object to in tho future. I havo touched upon the subjects covored by your letter; if I havo not made myself clear, I shall bo pleased to elaborato any point about which you desire to make further inquiry. Be ing Interested in our theory of government and believing, not that our government is porfect In every detail but that, in principle, it Is tho nearest approach to perfection in government that man has devised, I am glad to defend it where I believo it to be good, and ns anxious to have its errors pointed out as I am to havo its merits mado known. I havo no doubt that wo can borrow from other governments, and wo should whenever wo find any policy or method superior to our own. Tho fact that wo aro able to loan to other nations is duo to a large extent to tho fact that our forefathers borrowed liberally from tho ex perience of Europe In framing our constitution, and we havo gone on borrowing to tho present day. Wo borrowed tho Australian ballot from one of Great Britain's colonics, and aro likely to borrow the postal rate from another. Wo aro indebtod to Switzerland for the Initiative and referendum. Replying to your request, I beg to say that you aro at liberty to use this letter in making your report to tho Imperial Russian society. With assurances of respect, I am, very truly yours, W. J. BRYAN. WISH WORDS BelQW Will bO fOUnd n. Jrotu yoport nuutlUB rocont declaration of Cardinal Farley of Now York against church fairs whero lotteries aro employed to aid tho church. His position is wisoly taken. Tho lottery Is wrong in principle and ought to bo universally condemned. Especi ally is it objectionable when it has tho sanction, real or seeming, of religious organizations. Cardinal Farley's stand will havo great moral weight beyond his jurisdiction. CARDINAL FARLEY'S WORDS "A ban against church fairs is tho latest crusade tho Catholic church is conducting in the interest of a higher moral order of things. In tho past church fairs have been sanctioned occasionally as extraordinary means for raising funds for the purpose of paying off mortgages or other church debts. The selling of chances or lotteries for charitable purposes at theso fairs has brought about -tho movement. "At tho recent Diocesan Synod, held at St. Patrick's cathedral, Cardinal Farley read to the 800 priests of this dfocceso tho rule of the church that governs tho holding of fairs and pointed out In strong terms that it was not in keeping with the ideals of tho church to sanc tion such events. "The matter of a church holding a fair Is strictly within tho control of tho authorities of the diocese. No pastor is supposed to use extra ordinary means for raising funds without first obtaining tho sanction of tho church authori ties. In place of fairs it is understood sacred concerts and bazars will be tho approved me diums for raising funds." New York World. PROGRESSIVES TO ADVISE Governor Wilson's address to the New Jersey electors was brief but it was to tho point. Ho said that only PROGRESSIVES would be sum moned by him as advisers because they only -were in harmony with tho causo to which ho is committed. The president-elect is entirely right he could not consistently say anything else. Ho has a right to assume that tho reactionaries are HONEST and that an honest reactionary would conscientiously adviso AGAINST pro gressive measures. Why should ho ask advice which he must necessarily reject? Reaction ary democrats who supported the ticket are eligible to other important positions but they are not available as advisors.
