The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, December 06, 1912, Page 4, Image 4

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    The Commoner.
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VOLUME 12, NUMBER 48
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The Commoner. Qark and Underwood on Tariff Revision
ISSUED WEEKLY
Entered at the Postofllco at Lincoln. Nebraska,
as second-class matter.
1I.1.IAM .1. I'llYAK
lulltornml Proprietor
JticiiAnn L. Hr.icAi.YK
AfHKlntc Kdltor
Cham.ks W. I hvaV
Pufallriicr
Fdltornl Hooni nnd IfuMnra
On cc :S4-?ro smith I'.Ui Mieet
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THE COMMONER, Lincoln, Neb..
SUITABLE CHRISTMAS GIFTS
The following books, a careful selection of
the best things from the writings and speeches
of Mr. Bryan, are offered as very appropriate
gifts for the Christmas and holiday season.
These books are all well printed on good paper,
bound 'in dainty, artistic style, and will make
gifts that will be thoroughly appreciated by the
recipient, or welcomed as valued additions to
the home library:
A Tnlo of Two Conventions. A carefully re
vised account of Mr. Bryan's reports of the
Chicago and Baltimore conventions, as prepared
for a syndicate of newspapers. Added to thse
are notable speeches made in those conventions,
including those by Mr. Bryan himself, the last
being his "Valedictory." An outline of the con
vention which nominated Mr. Roosevelt is also
given, with his speech of acceptance and that of
Mr. Wilson and comments on these, also the
three party platforms, an introduction by Mr.
Bryan, a number of current newspaper cartoons,
etc. 12mo. Cloth. Sent prepaid to any address
on receipt of price, $1.00.
Mr. Bryan's Selected Speeches. Revised and
arranged in a convenient two-volume edition.
These books present Mr. Bryan's most notable
addresses and orations, and cover the chief
important phases and features of his career as
an orator and advocate. A familiarly intimate
and interesting biographical introduction by
Mary Baird Bryan, his wife, opens Volume I.
Bach volume has a portrait frontispiece, and
the two books afford a wide range of topics on
national and world problems. 12mo. Gilt Tops.
The two volumes, bound in cloth, sent to any
address prepaid on receipt of price, $2.00. The
half leather edition, 2 vols., sent for $3.00,
prepaid.
The Signs of the Times. To which is added
"Faith," an addrqss delivered before several
colleges. Mr. Bryan has made several formal
and extended addresses, in different parts of the
world, since the issue of his "Selected Speeches"
in two volumes. None of these were probably
. prepared with more care, or were more worthy
of preservation and study than "The Signs of
the Times." And "Faith" happily supplements
this, in this dainty book. 16mo., Flexible
Leather, Gilt Top. Sent prepaid to any address
, on receipt of price, 75 cents.
The Fruits of the Tree. A notable address
delivered by Mr. Bryan at the "World's Mission
ary Conference, Edinburgh, Scotland, June 17,
1910. A very dainty and acceptable gift book.
12mo., beautiful Art Board covers, illumined
with handsome design in full gilt. Sent pre
paid to any address on receipt of price, 60
. cents.
Any of tho above books will be mailed to any
address on receipt of price stated, and all
orders will receive prompt and careful atten
tion. A special price will be made for all five
books sent to one address, as follows: For
$JJ.90 we will send the entire five books (includ
ing "Selected Speeches" in cloth binding pre
paid to one address. For $4.90 we will send the
entire five bookB (including "Selected Speeches"
bound in Half Leather) prepaid to one address.
Send orders early to insure prompt delivery in
time for Christmas. Address all orders to The
Commoner, Lincoln, Neb.
Hearst's New York American prints letters
frnm Ranker Clark and Mr. Underwood in re
ply to the American's inquiry concerning tariff
revision. The letters follow:
Washington, Nov. 28. Editor New York
American: Answering your far-reaching in
quiry touching the duty of tho party to tho
people in reducing the tariff, I will say that,
while I have no disposition to thrust my views
on any subject upon the public, It is my individ
ual opinion and settled conviction that promises
made to win an election should be religiously
carried out after the election is won.
Men should say what they mean and mean
what they say; and they should speak the plain
language of the plain people so that all may
understand. The voters of the land have a
right to be treated honestly, candidly, fairly and
courageously. They are entitled to that square
deal of which we hear so much and see so little.
Robert J. Walker's report on the tariff re
mains to this day the greatest paper on that
subject. In it he laid down this general prin
ciple: "The highest rates should be on luxuries;
the lowest or none at all on the necessaries of
life." That should be the basis of our revision
of the tariff to which we are solemnly com
mitted. The rates should be arranged so as to pro
duce the maximum of revenue, while taking
from the ultimate consumers the minimum of
money in the shape of tariff taxes. That state
ment may appear paradoxical,, but what it pro
poses is perfectly feasible. There is a maximum
revenue-producing tariff rate on each particular
item which can be ascertained, and which should
be ascertained. The moment the rate on any
article goes above the maximum revenue-producing
rate the revenue begins to fall off, and
the more the rate is increased the more the
revenue dwindles until it disappears entirely,
and the rate becomes prohibitive.
Such Is the case with blankets .nine feet long,
worth not over forty cents per pound, an article
of prime necessity on "which, the compound spe
cific and ad valorem amounts to a tariff tax of
between 165 and 182 per cent.
Without, going into wearisome details, it Is
safe to say that three-fourths of all the tariff
rates of the Payne-Aldrich-Smoot tariff bill are
above the maximum revenue-producing rates
and should be reduced at least to a competitive
point.
The truth is that the words "a competitive
tariff" are more easily understood than tho
words "a tariff for revenue only." "A com
petitive tariff" is one which would give Ameri
cans the American market so long as they sell
at fair prices, but would let in foreign products
if Americans undertake to gouge Americans.
"A competitive tariff" would in practice be "a
tariff for revenue." The revenue can be in
creased more frequently by reducing rates than
by increasing them.
The present tariff, if thoroughly overhauled,
could b.e made to .produce a great deal more
revenue and at the same time not cost the tax
payers one-fourth, of what they 'now pay, for
under the present .system where one dollar goes
into the federal treasury four or five dollars go
into the pockets of the tariff barons.
The rates in a new bill or new bills should be
fully as low as the rates in the bills which we.
passed during this congress, and in some cases
lower.
All the talk about the democrats wanting to
injure business Is absolutely preposterous.
What we want to do is to give every man an
equal opportunity in the race of life, and not
pamper a few at the expense of many. That
plan would foster every legitimate Industry in
the land and injure none. That is one way in
which congress can aid in reducing the exceed
ingly .high cost of living, which is really the
most pressing, vexatious, and important problem
with which we have to deal. What the people
demand Is cheaper food, cheaper clothing,
cheaper necessaries of life generally, and any
cuts in tariff rates which do not, accomplish
that are not worth the trouble rnd labor of
making.
The revision ought to be and no doubt will
he made carefully, scientifically and in harmony
with democratic promises. CHAMP CLARK.
MR. UNDERWOOD'S VIEWS
Birmingham, Ala., Nov. 23. Editor New
York American: Sir Answering your telegram
the democrats should carefully liv up to its
principles and its pledges in the last campaign.
These should be the compass that guides our
actions in writing the now tariff.
The position of the party has been clearly
expressed in detail on most of the important
schedules to be revised, in the bills that were
passed through the house in this congress.
They were approved by the democratic national
convention and ratified by the people in the re
cent election.
Details, of course, can be changed so long
as they do not trench upon our principles and
pledges.
In my judgment, the members of the ways
and means committee should give an oppor
tunity for all to be heard before they draft
their bills. These bills should then be sub
mitted to the democratic caucus for amendment
and approval.
In the meantime, I think it the part of wis
dom for the democratic members of the ways
and means committee not to rush into any ex
pression of their individual opinions as to de
tails. By refraining from doing so at this time
they will be in a better position to unite the
party on a constructive program when they
present their bilis to the democratic caucus.
OSCAR W. UNDERWOOD.
DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN FUND
From Washington (D. C.) Post: It cost the
democratic party slightly over $1,100,000 to
elect Woodrow Wilson president of the United
States. This expense was borne by 91,000 per
sons, who contributed in varying amounts to
the popular campaign fund.
These two remarkable facts will be shown in
a statement soon to be filed with the clerk of
the house of representatives by Rolla Wells, of
St. Louis, trustee. The law allows 30 days after
the election for campaign committees and can
didates to file statements of their receipts and
expenditures. The democrats will not uso all
that time, for Treasurer Wells, now on his way
to St. Louis from New York, stated that tho
books were practically balanced. A surplus in
favor of the committee has developed, and this
Is another strango thing In connection with the
work of campaign committees.
Although no accurate public record has ever
been kept before, men who have led in the work
. of political parties state that there has been
' no successful campaign In recent years that
cost so little as the one just concluded by tho
democrats. Likewise, and this fact also re
mains undisputed, the expense of no campaign
for the presidency has ever been participated in
by so many contributors.
The idea of a popular campaign fund was first
put into operation four years ago In Mr. Bryan's
contest. Then, it is estimated, something like
35,000 individuals contributed. Up to that tinio
it had been the custom for a comparatively small
number of patriotic party men to finance the
campaigns of both parties. Perhaps before 1908
never had as many as 1,000 persons donated to
pay the expenses of a presidential aspirant.
The bulk of the Wilson fund, tho records of
the committee show, was received in contribu
tions of from $1 to $10. The largest single
subscription was that of Charles R. Crane, of
Chicago, who gave $40,000. Cleveland R.
Dodge, of New York, gave $35,000.
Only a few contributions of more than $10
000 were received. Less than 2,500 contribu
tions went over the $100 mayk.
New York led all the states in the aggregate
amount subscribed, with .$356,000. Illinois
came second, with $134,000. Then in order
came Pennsylvania and Texas.
The aggregate amount sent in by tho District
of Columbia democrats was $9,580.
' The Wilson managers declare that not one
penny of their fund was taken from a corpora
tion, and that no money was taken from private
parties if an ulterior purpose In giving was
suspected. This was in accordance with a stipu
lation by Governor Wilson himself, made aj
Seagirt during the first meeting there of n s
campaign managers. The governor asked tnat
no corporation money be accepted. At tnai
time he also expressed tho hope that the ex
penses of the campaign would be kept close io
the million mark, it having been suggested oy
one of his advisers that it would cost $3,00U,uu"
to elpct him. " x. aat
The man largely responsible for the treat
number of Individual contributors Is Col. 0DGTl
Ewing, of New Orleans. As a member of uovei
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