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The Commoner?
VOLUME 12, NUMBER 4j
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prevent destruction of property, they would not
facilitate the introduction of non-union labor.
Three hundred Pinkerton constables were
brought by water to tho works. They were in
troduced into tho state unarmed, but brought
arms and ammunition with them packed in
boxes. On their way up tho river these boxes
were unpacked, so that when the force arrived
at. Homestead in the early morning they were
.fully armed. News of their coming had pre
ceeded them, and a large crowd of strikers, were
in waiting to prevent their landing, having gone
in behind the wall of steel rails. The testimony
is conflicting as to which party fired first, but
a skirmish ensued with a heavy volley of shots
from the strikers, in which seven of the Pinker
tons and strikers were killed and many others
wounded. The struggle continued two days.
On tho opposite bank a brass ten-pound cannon
was obtained and fired upon the barges. The
crowd also attempted to set fire to the barges
by pouring burning oil upon the river, and
finally the PInkertons surrendered to the leaders
of the Amalgamated Association, and were im
prisoned in a rink until evening, when they were
got away from the town by rail. On their way
to the rink and to the station they were beaten
and maltreated in spite of the efforts of the
strike leaders to control the crowd, which was
largely composed of Slavs, Hungarians, and wo
men. Troops were sent to Homestead by the
governor of Pennsylvania and stationed hefe
many weeks, the town being put under, martial
law, Great severity was djspWed. "Eleven
workmen and spectators, were killed in the
fights. Some of the leaders were arrested and
order wqn restored; for though the manager,
Mr. Frick, was afterward shot at by a ( Rus
sian named Berkman, this act seems to 'have
been quite independent of the men on the strike.
For an unguarded expression of sympathy with
Berkmann, a private (James) was strung up
by his thumbs and flogged, After about six
weeks a large number of, the strikers returned
to work, but a number .of new men were subse
quently engaged by the company, and mapy. of
tho strikers 'did pot return. A; 'committee, of
congress, appointed to investigate the employ
ment, of . Pinkerton detectives,, held an ipguiry
at Pittsburgh into the qirpumstances of the
Btrike. The evidence given, before them showed
that a conviction prevailed among the men, that
since the introduction, of the McKinley tariff
the profits of the company had increased, and
that there was, therefore no occasion for any
such reduction of wages . as they proposed.
Further, the strength pf the. feeling against the
employment of the Pinkerton social constables
found general expression. Great ,excitenient
oyer the strike was roused all 'oyer, the country.
Subscriptions were raised by working men Jto
support the strike. Lawyers were sent pn ,to
defend the strikers against persepution for using
arms to defend t their homes .Against "foreign
invasion.' The feeling against the Pihk'ertbns
ran very high.. In Massachusetts an act pro
hibiting the employment of Pinkerton constawes
was passed in 1892, and a similar act was Passed
in New Jersey during the same year."
.'.,' PRESIDENT TAJST? .', ,
Mr. Henry Watterson, editor. !of the Louis
ville Courier-Journal, says so niany good -things
that it is not surprising that this -graceful
compliment fell from the Watterson pen:
President Taf t's swan song is 'that of a sane,
sensible, temperate man'whbse philosophy of :Iife
is too optimistic to be reversed hy reverses at
the polls, and whose sincerity df purpose was
neVer questioned even when the position "he
occupied as a party leader forced him iritb un
popular attitudes.' J
Mr. Watterson has accurately described the
attitude of the public toward President Taft,1 ' It
is indeed gratifying that AniericJans generally
may entertain such a cheerful feeling' toward
tho man whom they have jusf 'defeated for 'the
presidency. , ' - ' ' ' ( '
;' . iSPEqiAtisEsi'dX'',!' ' "
The president-elect has wisejy decided to call
a;special' session to reduce the (tariff.. He' begins
well'. His firstjact will be generally applauded.
Some" favor reduction, by specialybills, some pre
fer a general, bill." Why not! join the two plans?
Tho bills passed by congress and .vetoed might
bo. passed at once, thus giving the people im
mediate relief, and then i a. general jbill might be
prepared covering tho remaining schedulest and
making such changes in schedules covered by
special bills aB now seema desirable. Why not?
I -
A Six-Year Term for President
The New York World says: In his plea for
a single term of six years for the president, Mr.
Taft voiced an opinion that has gained many
converts since the rise of the third-cup-of-coffee
thirst. At Baltimore it was the sense of the
democratic national convention that the con
stitution should be amended so as to- make the
president ineligible for re-election. Nothing
was said about lengthening the term. That four
years is a short period in which to work out
great policies of government a favorite argu
ment of the longer-term advocates may some
times be true. But where a president within
two years of entering office had sacrificed the
good-will of the country and persisted in using
his power to obstruct the adoption of policies
demanded by the people, a six-year term would
only mean the denial of the popular will for
so much longer time. To make the term of the
president cover three congresses might mean
that the country would be deprived, through the
sole executive veto, of legislation twice approved
at national elections. The longer term of six
years is offered largely as a concession to those
who favor a single term. But toward the end
of a six-year term the president might still play
party politics for the benefit of his own candi
.. date, as. presidents in the past nave done for
. the. benefit of themselves or their successors.
No administration is likely to keep out of poli
ces, as Mr. Taft seems to imagine, merely, be
cause it lasts six years.
u The Baltimore platform covers this situation,
very clearly when it says: "We favor a single
presidential term, and to that end urge the
adoption of- an amendment to the constitution
making, the president of the United States in
eligible, to re-election, and we pledge the candi
date of this convention to this principle.'!
i
In-The Commoner of January SO, 1901-, Mr.
' Bryan pririted the following 'editdrlali The sug
gestion "made'by ex-TreSident Cleveland, to the
'effect that 'the presidential term. should be ex
tended to bIx years and the president made in
eligible for re-election, has excite-1 discussion.
The latter part of the proposition has met with
tho more cordial reception. There seems to le
a wide-spread opinion that a president should
; be limited to one term in order to prevent his
using the first term to secure a re-nomination.
President' Jackson sugge'sed this limitation
in his first inaugural message.'
v-l Mr. Hayes vin 1876, in his letter accepting the
'republican nomination, said: : i
"The declaration of principles by the Cincin
nati convention makes no -. announcement in
favor of a single presidential .term. I do not
I assume to add. to that declaration!,' but believing
4hat the restoration of the civil service to the
system established by Washington and followed
by tho early presidents can be best accomplished
' : by an executive officer whe is under, no tempta
tion to use. the patronage of his office' to pro-
mote his own re-election, I desire to perform
'' what! regard as a duty instating now my inflexible-purpose,
if elected, not to be a candi-
1 'date for election sto a second term."
. Mr. Cleveland in his flrBt letter of acceptance
stated, in even stronger language, the objec
tions to a second term, saying:
"When an election to office shall be the selec-
tion by the voters of one of their number to
assume for a time a public trust instead of his
dedication to the profession of politics; when
the holders of the ballot, quickened by a sense
of duty, shall avenge truth betrayed and
. pledges broken, and when the suffrage shall be
t altogether free and uncormpted, the full reali
sation of a government by the people will be at
hand. . And of the means to this end, no one
would, in my. judgment, be more effective than
an amendment to the constitution disqualify-
. ing the president from re-election.
"When, w.e consider the patronage of this
great office, tho allurements of power, the temp
tation to retain public place once gained! and
more than all the. availability a party finds in
an incumbent whom a hortfe of office holders
with zeal bom u benefits received and- fostered
by the hope of favors yet to com.e, stand ready
. to aid with -money and trained political service
.. we recognize in the eligibility of the president
for re-election a moat serious danger to that
calm, deliberate and intelligent political action
which must characterize a government by tho
people." .
Humah nature is as yet too frail to withstand
the temptation. to use for selfish purposes th!
great patronage of the executive.
If it is argued that a nation might be in such
a crisis that it could ill afford a change in th
administration, it may be said in reply first
that the same argument could be made at the
close of a second term and, second, that when
the nation reaches a condition where only one
man out of the whole population is ahle to
assume and properly discharge the duties of
the executive it will scarcely be worth saving
As to the lengthening of the term considerable
difference, of opinion has developed. The prin
ciple affirmative argument is that business in
terests are disturbed by a presidential election.
If this argument is to have a controlling in
fluence we might as well choose the executive for
.life, or, in order to reduce the disturbance to
a minimum, establish an hereditary succession.
There are political reasons in favor of the
present length which outweigh any business con
siderations. Jefferson -was an advocate of frequent elec
tions. In a letter written to Samuel Adams, in
1800, he-said:
"A government by representatives, elected by
the people at short periods, was our object; and
our maxim at that day was, 'where annual elec
tion ends, tyranny begins;' nor have our de
partures from it been sanctioned by the happi
ness of their .effects."
Sixteen years later he said:
'"The rights of the people to the exercise and
fruits of their own industry can never be pro
tected against the selfishness of rulers, not sub
ject to their control at short periods."
The fact thai; commercial reasons are deemed
sufficient-withjspme to justify the surrender of
a principle, ajbsojutely necessary for the protec
tion of the ,jfubllc shows the "dangerous pre
eminence given to money and money making.
To lengthen the presidential term is simply
'to enlarge 'the rstake for whicti great interests
play. The trusts could Increase their campaign
contributions fiCiy per' cent if they could secure
control of an administration for six years in
stead of fbur.
Short terms are necessary not only to pro
tect the people from their public servants but
also to moderate disappointment and discon
tent. The sooner the people can hope for
remedy the 'more patiently do they submit to
that which they consider error or injustice.
A four years term Is long enough for a good
president and too long for a bad one.
The following. article appeared in The Cora
moner May 17, 1912: , ,
, Resolution's, have been introduced in both
senate and house submitting: an amendment
-limiting the president to a single term. They
should receive unanimous support. Eighteen
years ago Mr. Bryan introduced such a resolu
tion. It read as follows:
"Fifty-third Congress, third session, House
Resolution, 234. In the House of Representa
tives, December 6, 1S94. Referred to the com
mittee on election of president: and vice-president
and representatives in congress and ordered
to be printed. Mr. Bryan introduced the fol
lowing joint resolution:
"Proposing, an amendment to the constitution
making the president ineligible to a second
term. .. '
"Resolved, by the senate and house of repre
sentatives of the United States of America
assembled (two-thirds of each house concurring
therein), that the following amendment be pro
posed , to the legislatures of the several states,
which, when ratified by three-fourths of said
legislatures, shall become and be a part of tho
constitution of the United States, namely:
That section one of article two of the constitu
tion be amended by adding ,ititer the words
'neither shall any person be eligible to that
office who .shall, not have attained to the age of
thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resi
dent within the United States' tho words, 'No
person once -elected to the presidency shall bo
thereafter eligible to election to that office.'"
Some prefer a six-year term in fact, con
siderable .work, has been done in favor of a
single term or $ix years. A, jour-year term is
long euoughriong, enough for a good presi
dent and' fro-, long for a bad pne--but a six
year term with a provision making the presi
dent .ineligible to re-election would bo better
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