The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, November 22, 1912, Page 7, Image 7

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NOVEMBER 22, 1912
of uniform and comprehensive reports on the
health of 15,000,000 working-class households.
So much for Part I of he act, or so much,
rather, for a bare, crude outline of what Part I
contains. Part II is taken up with a scheme of
compulsory insurance against unemployment in
the following seven trades building, construc
tion of works, ship-building, mechanical engi
neering, iron-founding, construction of vehicles
saw-milling. The board of trade, which will ad
minister this part of the act, has power to in
clude other trades in the scheme, but for the
present it will be confined to the seven I have
mentioned. It is estimated that some 2,400,000
work people of eighteen and upward will come
within its provisions at the outset. The un
employment insurance fund will be raised by
weekly contributions from employer and em
ployee of B cents each for each period of a week
or less; butf where the period of employment is
two days or less the contributions of workman
and employer are 2 cents a day each. In order
to discourage irregular employment it is pro
vided that an employer who has employed a man
continuously throughout a period of twelve
months may recover one-third of his own con
tribution paid for that man. The state contri
bution to the fund will be one-third of the total
contributions from workmen and employers. No
contribution is required while the workman is
unemployed for any cause. The benefits pro
vided consist of weekly payments to the work
men while unemployed of $1.75 a week up to
a maximum of fifteen weeks in any twelve
months. No benefit will be paid for the first
week of any period of unemployment and not
more than one week of benefit can be drawn by
any man for every five weekly contributions paid
by him. A workman will receive this benefit
only if he (a) has been employed in an insured
trade for twenty-six weeks during the preced
ing five years, (b) has made proper application
for the benefit and has been continuously unem
ployed since his application, (c) is capable of
work and unable to get it, and (d) has not ex
hausted his right to benefit. Even if he has
fulfilled these conditions a workman will not
receive benefit if he has lost employment
through a strike or lockout or through miscon
duct, or has voluntarily thrown up his job with
put just cause, or is In receipt of sickness benefit.
he .scheme is to bo worked principally through
he labor exchanges..
I have now, I hope, written enough, to give a
general idea of this amazing act. If I were to
go into details and were to discuss the various
exemptions and qualifications, the position of
the doctors under the act, the position of married
women, the position of the post office contribu
tors, the position of the friendly societies and
the trade unions which are now brought under
quasi-governmental supervision, the furious in
dignation of householders over the inclusion of
domestic servants, the methods of changing from
the compulsory class to the voluntary and vice
versa, and if I were to compare or, rather,
since no real comparison is possible to contrast
the British and the German schemes, this article
would expand into a volume. But it must be
obvious, even from the meager description I
have given of the act, that there is hardly a
home, or a factory, or workshop, or a public
institution in the kingdom in which Its effects
will not be felt. It must powerfully Influence
the administration of the poor law and In the
course of time it may even end by superseding
the boards of guardians or by amalgamating
them with the district committees. It revolu
tionizes the whole status of the friendly socie
ties and of the trade unions by bringing them
into state control and state interference with
the benevolent and insurance branches of their
work. It goes a long way toward making the
medical profession a public profession and to
ward throwing all hospitals and Infirmaries on
the public funds. For the first time in the his
tory of modern England it applies financial com
pulsion to the poorest, or nearly the poorest, of
the poor. It Initiates one great campaign
against 'tuberculosis and another against unem
ployment It embodies high aims; it provides
substantial benefits. But it remains to be seen
whether its aims and benefits can. be realized
without a permanent depression of the wages
of that very section of the community for whose
well being it was enacted. The poor pay for
most things and always for "social reform."
Sydney Brooks, London. England, in The
Independent.
The Commoner.
jorlty in the electoral colleges cast for any
president sinco Monroe, will bo soventy-five
thousand dollars a year, with a contingent fund
of twonty-flvo thousand to draw upon for Inci
dental expenses.
From tho time of Washington to that of Grant
the Balary was twenty-five thousand. It was in
creased to fifty thousand during Grant's second
term. In 1907 tho Fifty-ninth congress ap
propriated "for traveling expenses of tho presi
dent of the United States, to bo oxpended at his
discretion and accounted for by his certificate
solely, twenty-five thousand dollars." In tho
second session of tho Sixtieth congress it waB
decided to fix the president's salary at soventy
five thousand dollars a year.
Washington was desirous of serving as presi
dent without salary, but congress did not con
sider it compatible with tho dignity of tho United
States to accept tho services of tho executive
head of the government without allowing him
compensation. Some of the early presidents
managed to spend all of their Income. There is
no limit to the outlay which may be mado in
maintaining tho social dignity of tho White
Houbo. But Lincoln, though ho gave entertain
ments, saved enough out of the trifle over one
hundred thousand dollars which came to him
during his four years and six weeks to loavo his
widow comfortably well off, as fifty thousand
dollars was accounted a considerable fortune
half a century ago, though there are those who
would sniff at it now.
In spite of the higher cost of living, there is
no reason why President Wilson, with three
times tho salary which Lincoln received, and a
liberal allowance in addition for traveling ex
penses, should not be able to go out of the office
considerably "to the good," even if, ns Colonel
Bryan has suggested, ho should refuse to be a
candidate for a second term. Milwaukee Even
ing Wisconsin.
HOW THE POPULAR VOTE STANDS
As the popular vote for president is reported
by counties and states tho victory of Mr. Wilson
in the electoral collego becomes mpro and more
amazing
It is now very apparent that Mr. Bryan in
each of his three campaigns received a greater
vote of the peoplo thandid tho successful candi
date on Nov. 5th.
He received a larger vote in the campaigns of
1900 and 1908 than did Mr. Wilson in 1912 in
the very states which Insured tho victory to tho
democratic party this year.
We present some remarkable exhibits in evi
dence of this to our readers, comparisons which
will astound statisticians and politicians alike.
New York State Wilson in 1912, 647,994;
Bryan in 1900, 678,386; Bryan in 1908,
667,468.
Illinois Wilson in 1912, 403,416; Bryan in
1900, 503,061; Bryan in 1908, 450,795.
Wisconsin Wilson in 1912, 146,131; Bryan
in 1900, 159,285; Bryan in 1908, 166,632.
Connecticut Wilson in 1912, 71,836; Bryan
in 1900, 73,997.
Maryland Wilson In 1912, 112,222; Bryan
In 1900, 123,371; Bryan in 1908, 115,908.
Missouri (2,600 precincts out of 3,300)
Wilson in 1912, 330,200; Bryan in 1908,
346,574.
Nebraska Wilson in 1912, 109,000; Bryan
in 1908, 131,099.
Ohio Sixty-three counties reported gave
Wilson In 1912 317,657; the same, counties gave
Bryan in 1908 399,461.
We append the list of counties showing the
decrease in tho democratic vote in 61 of tho
63, and but slight Increase in the other two.
Sixty-three counties, Wilson, 317,657; Bryan,
399,641.
This ratio of decrease carried through the
state will place Mr. Wilson's voto as 115,000
short of that received by Mr. Bryan in Ohio in
1908
If Mr. Bryan with his greater popular
strength as a vote getter had been the candi
date, what states in tho union could his oppo
nents have carried? Cincinnati Enquirer.
THE PRESIDENT'S SALARY
The salary which Woodrow Wilson will receive
in the office to which ho lias been elected by a
minority of tho people but by the largest ma-
Nashvlllo Tennesseean: Tho popular voto
for the presidency has fallen far short of ex
pectations, for it Is now clearly indicated that
Mr. Wilson's popular vote will not bo as large
as the popular vote cast for Mr. Bryan In either
of his three elctlons for tho presidency.
It Is now evident that Mr. Bryan still has
the record on the popular democratic voto, hav
ing received over six million each time, as fol
lows: In 1896, 6,502,925; In 1900, 6,368,133;
in 1908, 6,406,104.
Wilson's unofficial vote in New York is 647,-
994, while Bryan rocclved, in 1900, 678,380,
and in 1908, 667,468.
Wilson's total voto In Maryland Is 112,122,
while Bryan rocolved, in 1900, 122,271, and
in 1908, 115,908.
Wilson's voto In Dolawaro Is unofficially
stated to bo 20,431, while Bryan, In 1908, re
ceived 22,071.
It Is not yet known what Wilson's popular
voto is in all tho statoa, but enough of It Is In
to Bhow that Bryan's oxceeds it.
WJiiio Mr. Wilson's victory is an unprece
dented one, Bryan, who was throo times de
feated for the presidency, recclvod oach tlrno
more votes than woro Cast for Wilson.
A feature that makes this moro surprising is
that the population of tho country has Increased
many millions sinco tho years Bryan wan a can
didate and tho vote's of Arizona and Now Mexico
havo beon added.
POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT IN 1008
State Bryan
Alabama ., , 74,374
Arkansas .', . . 87,015
California 127,492
Colorado .'... 126,644
Connecticut 68,255
Dolawaro 32,07 1
Florida . .. 31,104
Georgia ,.'. 72,413
Idaho .' 36,162
Illinois' . .. 450,795
Indiana 338,262
Iowa 200,771
Kansas 161,209
Kontucky 244,092
Louisiana 63,568
Maine 35,403
Maryland 115,908
Massachusetts 155,543
Michigan 175,771
Minnesota 109,401
Mississipi 60,287
Missouri 346,574
Montana 29,326
Nebraska 131,099
Nevada 11,212
Now Ilampshiro 33,655
New Jersey , 182,567
New York 667,468
North Carolina 136,995
Ohio 502,721
Oklahoma 122,363
Oregon 38,049
Pennsylvania 448,778
Rhodo Island 24,706
South Carolina. ... 62,288
South Dakota 40,266
Tennessee 135,608
Texas 217,302
Utah 42,601
Vermont ,.. 11,496
Virginia 82,946
Washington '. 68,691
West Virginia 11,418
Wisconsin 166,632
Wyoming , 14,918
Taft
25,305
56,760
214,398
123,700
112,915
25.014
10,654
41,692
52,621
629,929
348,993
275,210
197,216
235,7 U
8,958
66,987
116,513
265,960
335,580
195,843 !
4,363
347,203
32,333
126,997
10,775
53,149
265,326
870,070
114,937 ,
572,312
110,474
62,530
745,779
43,942
3,963
67,536 (
118,324 4
65,066 i
61,015
39,552 1
52,573
106,062 j
137,860 J
247,747
20,40 I
Total . 6,409,104 7,678,908
Popular vote, Taft over Bryan 1,269,804
Popular vote, Taft over all 469,374
Electoral vote, Taft ovor Bryan 159
MR. ROOSEVELT'S PROCLAMATION
Colonel Roosevelt has Issued a Thanksgiving
proclamation to his followers. He congratu
lates them upon tho progress made by the pro
gressive party and encourages them to face
the future with hope and confidence. Good.
Tho democratic party can sincerely felicitate tho
progressive republicans upon tho strength
which they have manifested a surprising
strength, all things considered and It can bid
them Godspeed in the prosecution of their
work. Tho democratic party is progressive and
is entitled, as democrats believe, to lead the
progressive forces of the nation. But rivalry
will not hurt Tho more active and energetic
the progressive republicans are, the greater will
be their influence in compelling the democrats
to be steadfast in their progressive course. Time
will tell whether tho now party Is needed. At
present there does not sesm to be any necessity
for it, but the question can not, of course, bo
determined by a few. No harm can come from
the advocacy of measures in the interest of the
people, whether they be advocated by old rartfos
or new. Let the fight go on; lot the public be
enlightened. The right is always triumphant at
last; and those will have permanent influence
who unselfishly espouse a righteous cause.
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