The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, October 18, 1912, Page 2, Image 2

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ment. Corruption has been brought Into city
politics by the attempt to effectively regulato
franchisee! holding corporations, and city gov
ernments have boon driven, as a matter of self
preservation, to the ownership of the franchises.
Tho Roosevelt policy of admitting private mo
nopolies to exist permanently, subject to regu
lation, would simply end, after futile attempts
at regulation, in a domand for government
ownership. The socialist believes in monopoly
In industry, the monopoly to bo owned and
operated by the government in the interests of
the people. Mr. Roosevelt believes in monopoly
to be owned and operated by monopolists In their
own interest, but under government regulation.
Mr. Taft.believes in maintaining competition but
is not in favor of the passage of any laws that
would be effective for the purpose. Mr. Wilson
believes in tho absolute prevention of monopoly
by laws that will make it impossible for a mo
nopoly to exist. Tho democratic position, as
stated and defended by Mr. Wilson, ought to
commend itself to those who believe in a gov
ernment of tho people, administered, by tho
people in their own interests.
Mr. Perkins, known as Patriot No. 1, says
he was a patriot in 1896 when he opposed the
restoration of bimetallism, and when, later, ho
opposed Mr. Bryan's anti-trust policies. Well,
that is a matter of opinion. About six and a
half millions of democrats will differ from him.
But when he attempts to state as a fact that Mr.
Taft carried out the democratic policy when he
dissolved tho oil and tobacco trusts In such a
CHANGED, he showed either lack of intelligence
or lack of honesty. A dissolution which leaves
the same ownership is not a dissolution it is a
farce. Tho parts do not compete after such
a dissolution it is as much a monopoly as ever
Mr. Perkins is very stupid If he thinks this is
the democratic position. The democrats say
that a private monopoly is indefensible and In
tolerable let Mr. Perkins and Mr. Roosevelt
meet that proposition.
The Commoner
power. Mr. Cargenlo's fortune Is estimated at
$500,000,000, the larger part of it made out of
watered stock sold to the people; rotten armor
plate sold to tho government, as was proved by
a congressional investigation; tho protection of
an uncalled for high tariff and the abuse of
tho men, women and children in the employ of
tho steel trust.
"Tho personal fortune of Mr. Rockefeller Is
estimated at $1,000,000,000, made by stifling
competition, bribery, secret rebates, violation of
the laws of humanity and the laws of God. The
stench of kerosene has polluted the lobby room
of every legislature from Maine to Manilla, and
no Rockefeller foundation will ever in time or
eternity atone, or compensate the debauchery
of public virtue and morality and false stand
ards it has set up.
"The offenses of the sugar trust against pub
lic morals and the laws of the land smell to
heaven. Within the past few years, trusts have
been found guilty and paid a. penalty of $170,
000 for rebating. They have paid the govern
ment $2,000,000 for false weights, secured by
bribery, and ex-Secretary Shaw says that dur
ing his incumbency of office ho estimates that
they defrauded the government of $10,000,000
annually. They have confessed to a conspiracy
in offering $750,000 to stop a suit at law. Six
of its seven directors were indicted for con
spiracy and the statute of limitations was all
that saved them from the penitentiary.
"I would not want to say anything offensive
or inject politics into this address, but I am
constrained to say that a man whose coffers are
filled with the spoils 61 the steel trust, the har
vester trust and others too numerous to mention,
several of which were under indictment for high
crimes and misdemeanors,, that man is not an
ideal character to stand as godfather to a fe
form party whose shibboleth is, 'Thou shalt not
steal.' "
Tho testimony given before the Investigating
committee last week by Mr. Sheldon, treasurer
of the republican national committee will put a
quietus on Mr. Roosevelt's discussion of the
campaign contributions collected by his com
mittee in 1904. Mr. Sheldon testified that there
were four (4) subscriptions of $100,000.00 each
from Archbold of the Standard Oil company,
Morgan, Frick and Gould. These were' in ad
dition to the $250,000 raised by Harriman". After
telling of these enormous contributions 'Mr.
Sheldon adds that 73 per cent of Mr. Roose
velt s campaign funds, qame from corporations.
When it Is rememberqd that such contributions
are now prohibited by a criminal law U'wlll be
seen that nearly three-fourths of all 'of Mr.
Roosevelt's campaign' 'funds came from'sotirqes
that are at this time. Jegally blacklisted. No
wonder that Mr. Roosevelt has not helped to
secure, publicity. ' '
The democrats of Nebraska wore- delighted
with '.'Governor Wilson's speeches and he was
pleased with tho reception accorded him. Honors
are easy.
?Ji Mathews of Fremont, Neb., president of
.''JPS and loan association, and at one time
united States marshal for Nebraska, delivered
an address before tho Nebraska Bankers' asso
ciation, Mr. Mathews 13 a republican and in his
address ho said:
"J. P. Morgan has a controlling influence in
financial and industrial institutions whose capi
talization amounts tp $12,000,000,000. Thb
wealth of tho United States Is computed at $108 -000,000,000,
so yoii see, Mr. Morgan controls
an amount equal to one-tenth of tho wealth
of all.
The Wall Street Journal defines banking power
as being measured by sum of capital, surplus, de
posits and circulation. Tho 7,000 national banks
have a combined banking power of $6,000,000,
000. ' Mr. Morgan's ownership- and' control of
wealth, which I .pjqeed at $12000,000,000,
therefore, dust double the sum of the banking
powejvof all the national banks of the United
States. . .r'j
"While Mr. Morgan's ownership -and control
, is stupendous and monumental, he stands not
alone as one to whom the distribution of wealth
has given prominence and undue, dangerous
In an article entitled, "The Presidential Can
didates," Rudolph ' Spreckles, writing in La
Folletto's Magazine, says: The voters through
out the nation are facing a most trying .situa
tion and the coming presidential campaign is
likely to cause much confusion in the minds of
the pebple. A serious crisis is at hand and there
is danger of the people losing much of the
ground they have gained in their fight for equal
justice and equal opportunity.
Men from Wall street who had gained their
wealth by organizing and managing some of
the most oppressive trusts turned to Colonel
Roosevelt, knowing that if he could be induced
to become a candidate for president at the same
time as LaFollette a split in the progressive
republican ranks would surely follow. I make
the positive assertion that Colonel Roosevelt
knew as early as September, 1911, that Wall
street interests would be agreeable to his can
didacy, and I believe it was that knowledge
more than any other single consideration that
induced Roosevelt to become a ,candidate, for
he knew better-than any one else that a big cam
paign fund is needed to win a national election,
and big business men -1 invested in a can
didate always contribute the money needed.
fnFj'0. what nas occurred since September,
1911 It must now be admitted that the deser
tion of La Follette for Roosevelt was deliberately
planned by men known to be Roosevelt lieu
tenants. That the statements published by
these men In their attempt to justify their deser
tion on. tho ground that LaFollette was not
physically able to continue to make the presi
dential campaign were accepted by so many
honest progressives as true and led them to sun
port Roosevelt is to be regretted.
Roosevelt became the progressive candidate
in opposition to LaFollette, the true progres
sive. Roosevelt obtained almost unlimited
financial aid from men known to be interested
in the big trusts and the press of the country
gave himthe ex-president as much or more
notice than they gave Taft, the president.
By tho lavish expenditure of trust-earned
money, and with the publicity he secured
throughout the land, a stampede 'from La Fol
lette to Roosevelt was soon organized. Manv
prominent progressive republicans were verv
cunningly suggested as Roosevelt's choice for
vice president. Otherwise strong men fell
victims to either personal ambition or to the
desire for victory at any cost. The attitude of
these men resulted In dividing the progressive
republican ranks and special privileged interests
gained another victory over the people,
rtf wnRaro rh VttitudG of Roosevelt. with that
of William J. Bryan. Bryan finding the reac
tionaries in control the Baltimore convention
made the people'g fight, thus putting aato
possible chance he might otherwise havf h! ?n?
obtaining for himself the, democratic nominal 0f
for president It was inspif Ing to see a man ke
Bryan, who has been, so long a leader in hk
party, rise above mere personal ambition Ja
make' the fight he did for prlnelplS?al0ng.
Editorial in Portland 'Oregonian: Vhu
Roosevelt is proclaiming himself the ideal i
gressive and glories in his' radicalism, Brvin
turns upon him with a blunt denial that he u
aught but a reactionary, who has taken up sonrn
of the time-worn doctrines of the veterans of
progress only when they are on the eve of beinc
put in practice. Does Roosevelt thunder forth
demands for popular election of senators in
come tax, regulation of railroads, publicity of
campaign funds? Bryan sneeringly says:
"These things are practically secured, and
the democrats have done much more than Mr
Roosevelt to secure them."
Does Roosevelt echo in louder tones Bryan's
slogan of 1908: "Let the people rule?" Bryan
dismisses the subject with the words:
"Mr. Roosevelt is in favor of the initiativo
and referendum, but no more than the demo
crats are, and they are state issues anyhow."
Had he desired, Bryan might have added that
In his clamor for presidential primaries Roose
velt is merely indorsing the democratic plat
form. As though this denial of Roosevelt's claim to
pre-eminence as a radical were not cruel thrust
enough, Bryan continues:
MOn questions now before, the national govern
ment such as tariff, trusts, national incorporation,
imperialism and the third, term, Mr. Roosevelt
is wrong. On these subjects he is reactionary
and can not secure a following among demo
crats he can hardly hope to hold progressive
Bryan not only brands Roosevelt as a reac
tionary, but adduces strong arguments to prove
the charge. He affirms Jthat of the two ideas
of government, Roosevelt holds to the "old and
dyin.g idea that a government is an organiza
tion entirely independent of the people and rest
ing on force," and not to ''our theory that gov
ernments are organizations framed by tho
people for themselves and derive their just
powers from the consent of the governed."
Roosevelt, says the commoner, "would put
our nation at the rear of the monarchical pro
cession and make it a defender of the policy of
force and hypocrisy." In his adherence to the
policy of protection, Bryan says, the colonel
stands for the doctrine of "the taxation of the
many for the benefit of -a few." His idea3 of
centralization and of expansion of the federal
executive power, mean despotism with himself
as the man on horseback. His desire to discard
constitutional limitations . is interpreted to
"Away with the constitution and let us decide
what the people need and then do it for them!"
Kansas City Star': After William Jennings
Bryan had courted the beautiful Mary Baird for
what he considered a sufficient length of time,
the commoner, then a struggling young lawyer,
concluded to put the vital question to the father
of the future Mrs. Bryan. William, after down
ing the lump in his throat, sought refuge in the
"Mr. Baird, I have been reading Proverbs a
good deal lately," said Mr. Bryan, "and I find
that Solomon says: 'Whoso findeth a wife,
findeth a good thing and obtalneth favor of the
Lord.' "
Father Baird-, being somewhat of a Bible
scholar himself, replied: "Yes, I believe Solo
mon did say-that, but Paul suggests that while
he that marrleth doeth well, he that marrieth
not doeth better."
Bryan, who never has been at loss for an
answer in his spectacular life, .quickly replied:
"Solomon would be the best authority upon this
point, because Paul was never married, while
Solomon had a number of wives."
Whereupon Father Baird capitulated.
When the voters learn that Frick, represent
ing tho steel trust, Archbold, the oil trust, Gould
the railroads, and Morgan both the railroads
and the trusts, gave $450,000 to elect Mr
Roosevelt in 1904 more than, 6,500,000 demo
crats contributed to the democratic fund m
either 1896 or 1900 they can understand why
the predatory Interests have been able to bleed
the country so -successfully.
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