The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, October 18, 1912, Page 13, Image 13

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    13
OCTOBER 18, 1912
The Commoner.
would have to bo made. I recall that
ho expressed the opinion that tho
contributions would be practically a
waste; that Mr. Roosevelt was sure
of his election, but that Mr. Harri
man, who had " been acting in the
common interest, could not be ex
pected to stand the entire contribu
tion. Ho added that 'of course
there's nothing for me to do but to
meet his request.' "
Mr. MacVeagh said that undoubt
edly was tho incident to which Mr.
Russel and Mr. Wollivor had al
luded. "I made no secret of it," Said Mr.
MacVeagh, "but it was thought at
that time to be a fine, patriotic thing
to give funds to a campaign."
Mr. MacVeagh also related a recent
conversation with Charles A. Pea
body, president of tho Mutual Life
Insurance company, in which Mr.
Peabody said he had been in Mr.
Harriman's office when he called up
Mr. Twombloy and asked for the
contribution.
"Mr. Peabody said Harriman told
him he had been down to Washing
ton and that the president insisted,
or .requested, or desired that he raise
the additional money, part of it for
the state campaign in New Tork and
part of it for use in other states."
Mr. MacVeagh added Mr. Twomb
ley told him he had once been invited
to lunch at the White House with
Mr. Frick before the Harriman inci
dent. "While he did not say so, he gave
me to understand that they had both
made contributions afterwards," said
Mr. MacVeagh.
Mr. MacVeagh had objected to re
lating the incidents because the men
concerned were dead and unablo to
testify, but tho committee insisted.
Mr. Twombley represented, ho un
derstood, the Vanderbilt railroad
Interests; Mr. Prick represented com
mercial and steel interests; Mr. Arch
bold and Mr. Rogers, Standard Oil
interests, and George J. Gould, lead
ing railroad interests.
Charles P.- Taft of Cincinnati, told
the senate committee investigating
campaign funds that ha contributed
$159,339.30 to aid in electing his
brother president in 1908 and that
he had paid $213,592.41 this year
toward the expenses of securing the
president's renomination at the Chi
cago convention.
Dan R. Hanna, of Cleveland,
backer of the Roosevelt forces in
Ohio this year, as the president's
brother was that of the Taft forces,
followed Mr. Taft on the witness
stand. He testified that he gave
$177,000 to the support of the
Roosevelt campaign for nomination
this year. Of this sum $50,000 went
to the Roosevelt national commis
sion, $50,000 to Walter F. Brown,
manager of the Roosevelt Ohio cam
paign, and another $77,000 to the
work of reorganization In Ohio.
The expenses of the fight of
Speaker Champ Clark for tho 4emo
cratic nomination for the presidency
were given by his manager. Former
Senator Fred T. Dubois, as $50,
468.50. Senator Watson of West
Virginia was tho heaviest contribu
tor, giving $10,700, and William R.
Hearst tho next, with contributions
.amounting to $6,500. Tho total
contributions ' to the original Clark
fund were $45,498.98. At the end
of the Baltimore convention, Senator
Dubois said, the Clark forces had a
deficit of $4,590, $3,000 of which
was made up by Speaker Clark per
sonally. Senator Scott said he was In re
publican national headqnarters in
New York in October 1904, when a
telephone call came "from the White
House" for Treasurer Bliss or Chair
man Cortelyon. Neither was present,
so he talked on the wire. Scott did
not identify the speaker at the White
House end of the "wire, hut referred
to him as "the volco from tho White
House" and "the response from tho
White House."
" 'What Is this trouble I hear
about Higgins' " Sonator Scott said
he heard over tho wire. 'I hoar ho
may bo defeated.' "
Ho told 'the White Houso' that
Higgins waB in dangor.
" 'Can't tho state committee sup
ply tho necessary fund?' asked the
White House."
Mr. Scott said he told of tho diffi
culties in getting money for tho cam
paign and the response from tho
White Houso was:
" 'I would rather loso tho election
In the country than bo defeated in
my own state.'
"I said 'there is no dangor of your
being defeated,' said Mr. Scott. Ho
added that tho voice at the White
Houso said:
"Mr. Harriman is coming to boo
me and I'll boo If wo can arrango to
raise tho funds to help Higgins."
Scott said tho committee would
"have to judge" with whom ho had
tho conversation.
"Oh, I might as well answer your
questions," ho added: "I thought
I was talking with President Roose
velt." When further questioned ho said
he could not remember whether the
"party at the White House" had said
"Mr. Harriman Ib coming here," or
"I will have Mr. Harriman come
here."
Scott said that when ho suggested
that Bliss go to 26 Broadway for
more money, Bliss replied that Presi
dent Roosevelt had notified him not
to accept the Standard Oil contribu
tions. "I said I was willing to return the
amount sent into West Virginia. But
tho president said nb; that if the
money was to be returned It should
be returned by the party as a whole."
Scott said ho never had been in
formed of a return of $100,000 to
the Standard Oil company or any
director of it.
Edward T. Stoteshury of Philadel
phia, banker and also associate of J.
P. Morgan, was examined by the
Clapp committee investigating cam
paign expenses. Mr. Stotesbury tes
tified he had collected $165,795.50 in
Pennsylvania in 1904 for tho repub
lican national campaign, all the
money going to the national com
mittee. Principal contributors to tho 1904
fund were: American Bank Note
companv, $1,000; Former Ambassa
dor Charlemagne Tower, $7,500;
Drexel & Co., $5,000; Bethlehem
Steel company, $5,000; Cambria
Steel companv, $5,000; United States
Steel corporation, $12,775; William
Cramp & Sons, $1,000: Thomas Do
lan, $10,100; G. W. Elklns, $2,500;
Midvale Steel company, $5,000;
Pennsvlvanla Steel company, $5,000;
Philadelphia Electric company, $2,
500. "In 1908," Mr. Stotesbury said he
collected $101,057.67 in Pennsylva
nia for the republican national cam
paign. The more Important contri
butions were: William Diston,
Philadelphia, $1,000; Jacob S. Die-
ton, $1,000; Joseph H. Bromley,
Philadelphia, $5,000; Frank Diston.
$1,000; Joseph B. Grundy, $1,000;
John and James Dobson, $2,000;
John Broraey & Sons, Philadelphia,
$5,000; E. T. Storesbury. $5,000:
Drexel & Co., $5,000. Tbo greater
part of the contributions entered in
Mr. Stotpshury's account were from
$5 to $100.
Fred W. TJpham, of Chicago, assis
tant treasurer of the republican na
tional committee In 1908, was the
next witness. Upham said he knew
nothing of the 1904 campaign funds.
In 1908 he was In charge of the
western campaign, with headquarters
at Chicago and collected $548,320.59.
In addition to that he received, $50,-
000 from Charles P. Taft and re
turned it at tho ond of tho campaign.
Mil. BRYAN'S WORK
Editorial In San Francisco-Oakland
(Cal.) Tribuno: At Baltimoro
William Jennings Bryan dollvcrod
his valodlctory, renounced hla leader
ship and formally surrendered his i
UUIUIJ Ul UMIUU. AJUl 11 UUjr 111U.U ira
deluded with tho notion that Bryan
will cease to bo a potent factor in
tho politics of tho-nation and will not
figure prominontly In futuro cam
paigns ho is mistaken in his reckon
ing. Political conflict is tho breath
of llfo to Mr. Bryan. Ho gained all
he possesses writing and lecturing
about tho ovlls he would euro, tho
abuses he would remedy, tho wrongs
he would right. His fame, notoriety,
prominence, or whatever one
chooses to call It, came to him
through his insistent advocacy of cer
tain theories and reforms which have
become associated with his name.
And Mr. Bryan is a force. With
out a single victory to his credit,
without a crumb of patronage or
comfort to hand out to his follow
ers, ho has for sixteen years main
tained his supremacy in tho demo
cratic party. His leadership has
been challenged on many occasions,
but never successfully, often thwart
ed and defied, lampooned with a bit
terness, vigor and pertinacity un
paralleled in our political history;
nevertheless ho has sustained him
self with unbroken courago and un
abated zeal, dominating tho councils
of his party and compelling obedi
ence by tho sheer forco of his per
sonality and tho moral power of a
great popular following. Thore has
been nothing liko it in our history.
And there's a reason. There Is
one for everything. It is true that
Mr. Bryan is painfully lacking In
constructive statesmanship; that his
conceptions of political economy aro
crude and empirical, his financial
theories shallow and impracticable,
and his proposed remedies ineffec
tive and often Inconsistent with each
other; true his virtue Is heavily al
loyed with vanity and personal ambi
tion, and that ho is prone to mistake
his private griefs for public wrongs,
and is frequently unablo to ooparato
factional resentments from funda
mental principles. Still, ho is in
fluential and respected. And now
that ho has renounced the ambition
of his life, ho will continue to bo
powerful and respected.
Shall we ask why this man who
has been beaten for every important
offico he sought, who has been
satirized without limit by tho wits
of tho press and tho stage, who has
been controvortod by tho pundits and
flayed by tho polomlsts, still stands
as a tower of strength, still com
mands tho loyalty and ostcern of mil
lions of his countrymen? Tho answer
is oasy. Bccauso with all his weak-
noBBoa and mistakes, ho Is tho popu
lar embodiment of sincerity, courage
and conviction. Ho Is a demagogue
in tho truo and bettor sonso of the
word. Ho voices tho protest of the
poor a:d unfortunate The ovlls he
attacks aro real, although tho reme
dies ho proposes may bo futllo. He
points an accusing finger at acknowl
edged abuses. He hales Into the
court of public opinion the bonoficl- '
arlcs of privilege and incessantly de
mands a redress of popular griev
ances. Ho is, in short, the champion of
tho undor dog, a champion, more
over, who can not bo terrified nor
cajoled into remaining silent. Ho Is
liko Isaiah crying that Israel must
repent and cast out her idols. Al
ways and over, as Cato the elder did,
thundering that Carthago must he
destroyed. That is why ho Is a
moral forco with tho American
pcoplo today. ,
His methods of readjustment may
bo wrong, but his demand is rlghte-(
ous. He errs in his classifications r
and in his generallzatons, but ho ad-J
drosses himself to tho consciences of
fViA f timtcrfiffnl nnil i-lcrh Lml nlnrl nt '
appeals to tho heartaches and suffer
ings of tho poor likewise their
prejudices and passions for justifi
cation. Ho has never lowered his
flag nor compromised with the
enemy ho arrayed himself against in
the beginning, but has clamored in
season and out, sometimes unreason
ably, for better conditions and a
more equitable distribution of the
increment of labor and capital. He
has compelled a hoarlng by mcro '
persistence and tho clement of in jus-,
tico which forms tho burdon of hiss
complaint. '
Mr. Bryan has not succeeded in
getting himself accepted as presi
dent, but he has tho satisfaction of
seeing many of his theories accepted
bv nil noHtJenl narMfm nnrl n. con oral
promise by all parties that tho griey-!
ances of which he has long com
plained would bo redressed. The
country has not taken him for its
doctor, but he has made the doctors
prescribe his medicine, and ho has.
forced them to admit there Is a real
sickness to bo cured. Every plat
form put forth this year is a vindica
tion of Bryan. Why denounce the
devil, yet take his broth?
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