The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, October 18, 1912, Image 1
Vf The Commonerc WILLIAM J- BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR VOL. 12, NO. 41 Lincoln, Nebraska, October 18, 1912 Whole Number 613 Every Commoner reader is asked to send to this office as soon as possible the name of every republican or member of any party other than democratic who has expressed an inten tion of voting for Governor Wilson. Send also the name of every republican whom you have reason to believe is inclined to vote for Wilson. Send also the names of any democrats who are known to be opposed to Governor Wilson. IMPORTANCE OF THE TRUST QUESTION Tlio trust question is not only a part of the tariff question but its prominence as an issue has been increased by tho position taken by Mr. Roosevelt and still further emphasized by tho disclosures that have been made n regard to campaign contributions. It has been known for years tp those acquainted, with the inner work ings of politics that the protected interests have long made a practice of furnishing the funda necessary to elect to the seriate and house the champions of the protected interests. But the people have not until recently discovered tho deep interest taken by trust magnates in presi dential elections. When Mr. Sheldon testified that 73 per cent of Mr. Roosevelt's campaign fund in 1904 came from corporations a source now closed by criminal statute and when the testimony further showed that four men, Mr. Frick, who was- largely interested in the steel trust, Mr. Archbold, a leading official of tho Standard Oil trust, J. Pierpont Morgan, the mas ter mind of many trusts, and Mr., Gould, the rail way magnate, had given $100,000 apiece to the Roosevelt campaign fund, in addition to the $60,000 afterwards added by Morgan and tho $250,000 raised by Harriman, the public stood aghast at the liberality displayed by these very "practical" men. No disclaimer that may be put forward by these, men will weigh with the public; their chant about disinterested patriot ism onty adds Insult to the Injury they do the public in purchasing immunity for their con scienceless practices. We have the testimony of some of these men that they expected their con tributions to be appreciated, and those who deny expectations do not raise their reputations for CONTENTS IMPORTANCE OF THE TRUST QUESTION PATRIOT NO. 1 THE BANKERS' CONFESSION USED ROOSEVELT TO BEAT LA FOLLETTE RAILROAD MEN AND OTHER TOILERS,' "STOP, LOOK, LISTEN." DIFFERENCE IN COST OF PRODUCTION 73 PER CENT IMPURE THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IS PRO GRESSIVE HOME DEPARTMENT NEWS OF THE WEEK WASHINGTON NEWS CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS candor. Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Taft have been good to the trusts; Mr. Roosevelt in not prose cuting any considerable number of them, and Mr. Taft in converting prosecutions into a farce by the so-called dissolutions consented to. The positions taken by tho three parties aro now, or ought to be, clearly understood, and it is difficult to see how any fair minded man can fail to indorse the democratic position. Mr. Taft considers that tho present anti-trust law is sufficient, and declares himself ready to en force it. If we can judgo the futuro by the past tho enforcement will bo more like comic opera than liko serious criminal procedure. Dissolu tion of tho trusts in such a way as not to change the management of the new organizations is not dissolution at all, and to so dissolye them as to raise the price of the stock stamps tho prosecu tion as a fraud. In addition to tho immediate pecuniary advantage obtained from tho adminis tration's actions the trusts secured a bill of health. What would the public think of a sheriff who, instead of taking a stolen horse from a thief and putting the thief In jail, re turned the horse, gave the thief a colt to go with tho horse, and then sent him out to steal again, fortified by certificate of character? Mr. Taft has also indorsed tho action of the supreme court In legislating the word "un reasonable" into the anti-trust law, thus paralyz ing it as a criminal statute. Mr. Taft does this, all the time insisting that he is trying to prevent monopoly. Surely no relief can be expected from him or his policy on the trust question! Mr. Roosevelt does not oven commend the criminal prosecution of trusts, but joins Mr. Taft in eulogizing the supreme court for amending the anti-trust law in the interest of the trusts. Mr. Roosevelt even goes further than Mr. Taft does in this respect, for he justifies "judicial legislation" and the "invasion" by the supreme court of tho domain of congress. But the most striking feature of Mr. Roosevelt's position la that he is in favor of regarding the trust as an economic development and would permit it to exist. He even condemns the democrats for try ing to prevent the creation of trusts; ho saya that the democrats aro using worn oufc methods unsuited to present conditions. His policy contem plates not only the existence but the growth of trusts. They are to be allow-d to grow and grow, combine and combine, merge and merge, until, following this course to its logical conclusion, a few trust magnates control our Industrial sys tem and the masses receive their daily bread from the hands of these few. Ho protests, of course, that the trusts must be regulated, but he does not want the states to regulate, nor does he desire regulation by congress or by the courts. He wou'd put the regulation in the hands of a bureau to be appointed by the presi dent, and then he offers himself as the only man who can be trusted to administer the system. And ho is so anxious that the system shall bo administered wisely that ho scorns willing to occupy tho Whl to IIouso Indefinitely as a guaran tee against an inferior occupant. No landlord system in tho old world has been capablo of exerting tho harmful influonco upon tenants that his trust system would exert upon the whole people It would bo a despotism without one palliating feature not only an Industrial des potism but ono that would lend Itself to political despotism. An ambiftous man could desire nothing more to his purposo than such a trust system as Mr. Roosevelt 'desires to construct A president In charge of a bureau which would, In turn, have charge of tho trusts could by threats coerce every trust magnato Into support ing him for renomlnatlon and election, and, through tho trust magnates, tho employes. We already know how employes can bo robbed of their citizenship by tho threat of starvation, but what wo have seen would be small compared with what wo might expect under Mr. Roose velt's system. Mr. Roosevelt's platform and his speeches ought to put the public on notice that the system proposed by the ox-president la not in tended for the benefit of tho people, but if any thing wore lacking to convince tho paopl that theRoosevelt scheme is in tho interest of the trust magnates, Mr. Perkins' support of Mr. Roose velt ought to leave no doubt upon the subject. Mr. Roosevelt innocently informs tho public that Mr. Perkins' support of him Is due to his (Mr. Perkins') interest in his (Mr. Perkins') chil dren. But does it not occur to tho average man that Mr. Perkins' children, who will como into tho possession of trust stock by inheritance, stand In a different class from tho children of those who aro the victims of the trusts? Is It not worth while for other parents to bo In terested in their children? Not ono child In a thousand will inherit trust stock, but all need protection from tho extortion practised by trusU and from tho menaco of trust domination. Governor Wilson, has In his speeches clearly outlined the democratic position. He is setting forth the democratic remedy and drawing the lino between business on a large scale, whlcb Is entirely legitimate, and private monopoly, which is wholly wrong. Tho democratic plat form has in four campaigns declared a private monopoly to bo indefensible and intolerable, and Mr. Wilson has ably maintained the democratic position. Ho believes, as our party has re peatedly declared, that all existing monopolies should be dissolved and that no new monopo lies should be allowed to grow up. Ho lays the axe at the root of tho tree and seeks the resto ration of competition, the only alternative to government ownership. The government can regulate corporations engaged In legitimate business, but it can not regulate private mo nopolies the monopolies regulate the goveru- I i JS A i M i! ' . i fi i ' .