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BUpposo tho officials of the plant arc deeply In
terested In a protective tariff; of what avail is it
to limit tho amount that the candidate himself
can expend if Mr. Perkins or some other equally
patriotic and public spirited member of the har
vester trust directorate puts up a hundred thous
and dollars to carry tho district for a man
pledged to a continuation of protection? What
chance would tho representative of tho opposi
tion have in such a case? And yet the big con
tributions might bo made with a distinct under
standing that tho man aided accepted them with
out any promise of return! Who would admit
that he either gave or accepted contributions
with guilty intent? Is it not strange that a man
with Mr. Roosevelt's mind should present so
flimsy an argument in favor of unlimited con
tributions? And, if there could bo anything
moro nebulous and unsubstantial than tho
proposition itself, it is to be found in his sug
gestion that it would bo no hardship to put a
restriction on the contributions made to tho
reactionary cause owing to tho large number of
contributors, while it would bo a hardship to put
a limitation on the contribution niado by tho
ABSOLUTELY PURE and WHOLLY DISIN
TERESTED "idealists" who are supporting him.
His experience ought to teach him that a good
cause can well afford to suffer whatever in
convenience the limitation of contributions may
bring to it in order to prevent the supporters of
a bad cause from purchasing an eledtion through
tho large contributions of interested parties.
Tho position which Mr. Roosevelt takes on the
Bubject of contributions makes it appropriate
to examine tho famous Harriman letter. It was
written on the 14th day of October, 1904, and
reads as follows:
"My Dear Mr. Harriman: A suggestion has
como to me in a rouridabout way that you do
not think it wise to come to see me in these
closing weeks of the campaign, but that you are
roluctant to refuse inasmuch as I have asked
you. Now, my dear sir, you and-1 are practical
men and you aro on the spot and know condi
tions better than I do. If you think there is any
danger of your 'visit to mo causing trouble, or
if you think there is nothing special I should
bo informed about, or no matter in which 1
could give aid, why, of course, give up the visit
for the timo. being, and then.,a few weeks hence
before I write my message J, shall get you to
como down to discuss certain government mat
ters not connected with tho campaign. With
great regard, sincerely yours,
"THEODORE ROOSEVELT."
To understand this letter it must be remem
bered that it was written by a president of the
United States, then a candidate for re-election,
to a man who was then one of the leading rail
way magnates of the country, and a power in
Wall street. Mr. Harriman afterwards became
an undesirable citizen,0 as Mr. Roosevelt
described hima man worthy to be classed with
men on trial on the charge of niurder.v We are
not able to fix with exactness the time wlien Mr.
Harriman ceased to be an idealist and became
an undesirable citizen," but it is evident that
he was under suspicion when the above letter
was written, for Mr. Roosevelt has learned "in
a roundabout way" that Mr. Harriman thought
it unwise to be, seen in communication with the
president during "these closing weeks of tho
campaign." Upon hearing that Mr. Harrlman's
worldly wisdom inclined him to keep away from
the White House tho president addresses him a
letter to reassure him, basing the reassurance
upon tho fact that Mr. Harrlman's reluctance to
go to the White House was due to the. fact that
Mr. Roosevelt himself had asked him to come
Inasmuch as I have asked you" these are
words which italicize themselves. They- do not
need to be underscored; they speak with frank
ness, directness and positiveness they are
automegaphonics. The Interview is solicited by
tho president, not by Mr. Harriman, and when
he finds that Mr. Harrlman's judgment is against
coming, but that he hesitates to follow his judg
ment owing to the fact that the invitation has
been extended from the White House, Mr. Roose
velt writes to him and uses a phrase that has
bocome quite familiar to tho reading public, viz:
Now, my dear sir, you and I are practical
men." What a tell-tale phrase! Mr. Roosevelt
may havo idealists among his large contributors
hut he himself is very practical like Harriman
and he is not in favor of unduly exciting the
public by a conference that might arouse sus
picion. As Mr. Harriman is "on tho spot" and
as he knows conditions better than Mr. Roose
velt does, the president is willing to allow him
to decide as to tho wisdom of the visit. "If you
think there is any danger of your visit to me
causing trouble" trouble to whom? What
The Commoner.
trouble? Why trouble? Where trouble? Why
is there danger in a visit from Mr. Harriman to
Mr. Roosevelt? If there ig any danger of tho
visit causing trouble, "why, of course, give up
the visit for the time being" not entirely, but
"for the time being." Why postpone it? Could
there be a plainer suggestion of concealment?
Who aro said to like darkness rather than light?
When, before, did a president ever enter into so
frank a correspondence with a suspicious char
acter and plan that the public should not know
what was going on between them? Most of our
presidents have not been so intensely "prac
tical." But the last part of the sentence contains even
a more severe self-accusation of the president
than the early part. Tho president says, "then,
a few weeks hence, BEFORE I write my message
I shall get you to come down to discuss certain
government matters not connected with the
campaign." If Mr. Harriman was afraid to
come before the election he could wait until
after the election, then the president will "get"
him to come down. Hero the president takes
tho initiative again. He wants to see Mr. Har
riman, and this desire is so earnest that if there
is any danger in his coming down BEFORE the
election ho can wait until AFTER the election,
but he must come then. And what for? "To
discuss certain government matters not con
nected with the campaign." What government
matters was Mr. Harriman intprested in? Upon
what subject did the president need his advice?
And why was it necessary to receive- advice BE
FORE the writing of the message? Was some
recommendation to be included in the message?
Had Mr. Harriman and the president discussed
government matters before? Would it not be
interesting to know just what government mat
tors Mr. Harriman had in his: mind, and whether
they were both thinking .about the same- gov
ernment matters and thinking alike? When it
is remembered thatMr. Harriman DID raise a
quarter of a million this letter becomes ,a very
interesting document, and it is especially! in
teresting at this time when Mr. Roosevelt is
protesting, against any limitation being, pjaced
upon individual .contributions, and insisting that
,a specific waiver of promise, or obligation can
wipe away a taint that might otherwise attach
to ,a contribution; , ,,,,,, lU . ,. ,,r
The -Archbold-Penroso incident is- to berf urther
Investigated, but Mr. Roosevelt has -.already, safd
enough on the subject of, contributions to show
that he does, not share the commonsense view
taken by ,the average man. , He is. not" in sym
pathy with the legislation which has, come in re
sponse to public opinion for the purifying qf
politics. His friends are very, devoted but they
must feel an extraordinary devotion if they are
willing to follow him and Indorse his position on
the subject of campaign contributions.
ROOSEVELT, THE MAGICIAN
In North Dakota Roosevelt, the magician
waved his wand and divided the voters into two
classes those who are WITH the bull moose
party and AGAINST Wall street, and those who
are AGAINST the bull moose party and WITH
Wall .street. How easy it is: just a few words
and all the "absolutely pure" assemble them
selves under the Perkins-Roosevelt standard and
the bad divide among the two old parties. . And
yet this is the same Roosevelt who, LESS THAN
A YEAR AGO could not see enough difference
between Taft and LaFollette to justify him in
taking sides against Mr. Taft, but as soon as he
becomes a candidate himself the man who does
not embrace tho trusts and shout for a third
term becomes an enemy of his country. Can
he fool the public with his slight-of-hand per
formances? '
THREE MOTTOES
"What's the use?" seems to be Mr. Taft's
motto. Ho sees there is no chance and Is not
disposed to worry himself about 'the campaign
UJ ?'!; ma,k ifc any worse" appears to he
the attitude of the ex-presldent; so he plunges
into the campaign and lets loose some new mis
representation with each speech.
"Fll work anyhow," is Governor Wilson's
Bl0,gan' .Although the people show themselves
willing to offer him the presidency on a platter
he is responding to the demand for speeches.
Both Mr. Taft and Mr. Roosevelt favor a
tariff commission, notwithstanding the fact that
they both know that tho present tariff commis
sion has been used to prevent tariff reduction
The republican leaders are not willing to' go as
far, as the commission has gone in tho way of
reductions, but they use tho commission as an
excuse for delay.
VOLUME 12, NUMBER 3T
MR, BRYAN'S CAMPAIGN ITINERA nv
IN THE WEST A11jUAIIY
The democratic national committee h pl
out .the. following statement: Mr. Bryan,
is now m the mountains of Colorado securing ?
lew days' rest, will open his campaign sneakw
tour at Denver on the evening of September U
During the following two weeks Mr. Brvan wiii
make a campaign speaking tour through Coin
rado, Utah, Montana, Idaho, California, Neva!"
and Wyoming, in the order named. The da
that he will devote to each state aro as follown-
Colorado, September 14, 16, 17.
Utah, September 18.
Montana, September 19, 20.
Idaho, September 21.
California, September 23, 24, 2G.
Nevada, September 26.
Utah, September 27.
Wyoming, September 28, 30.
The time allotted to each of the above named
states will enable Mr. Bryan, to speak at most
of the larger cities in each. His speaking points
in the various states are being arranged by the
committees of the respective states having the
.campaigns in charge. Mr. Bryan's October
itinerary will be announced later.
GOVERNOR WILSON IN NEBRASKA
A New York dispatch, carried by the United
Press, says: The first meeting between Wood
row Wilson, democratic presidential candidate,
and -Colonel William J. Bryan, who made Wil
son's success in Baltimore possible, will be at
Lincoln, Neb., on October '5. The governor
made that announcement and stated that he and
Bran Will address a big meeting in the Ne
braskan's homG city on that date. The gover
nor will go to Lincoln from Indianapolis, where
he will address the national conservation con
gress' on October 8, instead of October 4, as had
'been 'previously arranged. Other engagements
are to be made for the trip and if possible
speeches will be made by WllBon in both Omaha
ahd'Des Moines.
A LEADER WHO LEADS
. . On.apother.page will be found, Governor Wil
son's letter to the voters of, New Jersey, giving
tyP iX.a,sonB for opposing ex-Sph.atqr Smi,th for
senator. It is a brave, -apt .riot: one man in ah
'hiiridred 'thousand, would flare'ha'd the courage
to ' do It:. Every member of the plunderbund
"will 'call him a 'dictator'.' every political boss
w'ilj accuse him of "meddling," but we need just
how the kind of moral' leadership which Gover
nor Wilson furnishes; He is living up to ex
pectations. In the presence of instances like
this Mr. Roosevelt's association with bosses and
Wall strreet magnates looks smaller than ever.
Governor Wilson is a leader who leads; he is
growing all the time.
STRAUSS VS. STRAUSS
Oscar Strauss has been nominated for gover
nor of New York by the Roosevelt party and
everybody admits that no stronger nomination
could have been made, but Oscar is not tlio
biggest member of the Strauss family. Nathan
Strauss is a democrat a' progressive democrat
and one of the leading business men of New
York. He is also a philanthropist of world-wide
reputation. Why not nominate the democratic
Strauss against the bull moose Strauss. If the
New York democrats desire to jut their state to
the front they will pick out some, man of merit,
like Strauss, and not let Wall strpet use tho
organization for selfish ends.
SPEAKERS IN THE CAMPAIGN
The Commoner invites its readers everywhere
to write to this office at once giving the names
of the men whom they think will be the most
effective as campaign speakers in their neigh
borhood. The Commoner desires this informa
tion in order that it may be of service to the na
tional committee in that committee's assign
ment of speakers for the campaign. In this
connection The Commoner urges the people
everywhere to open, tho schoolhouses for the
purpose of political discussions.
A PAIR OFFER
The democrats are willing to help the Roose
velt men beat Taft, and they ure willing to help
the Taft men beat Roosevelt, what could be
more fair?
Mr. Roosevelt talks against free trade. Wlu ?
Because no one is advocating free trade. Why
does he not outline the reductions he favors?
Because he does not know where he stands on
tho tariff question.
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