The Commoner.
SEPTEMBER , 191
That
Mr. Bryan has charged that Mr. Roosovelt's
platform is "a stop toward socialism." It is in
teresting to compare some of the provisions of
the "progressive party" with the provisions of
the socialist party. Mr. W. J. Ghent has writ
ten for. the National Socialist, a Washington city
publication, an article in which he presents somo
of the provisions of the two platforms in paral
lel columns.
Mr. Ghent says: "So the new party, which
goes boldly forth to its first campaign with tho
inscription on its banners, 'Thou Shalt Not
Steal!' begins its career with the brazen theft
of half tho working program of the socialist
party. The great Theodore, who has exhausted
tho vocabulary of invective in denouncing tho
wickedness of the socialists, must needs writo
his own platform as a pale reflex of'the socialist
platform."
Mr. Ghent declares that "With scissors and
paste pot and a copy of the socialist platform,
Roosevelt started in on his task of presenting
the American people with a catalogue of tho
evils which beset them and of tho remedies
.which are necessary."
Then he presents the striking parallel:
SOCIALIST PLAT
FORM The abolition of
tho present restric
tions upon tho amend
ment of the constitu
tion, so that that in
strument may be
amendable by a ma
jority of the voters.
Wo demand: The
conservation of hu
man resources, par
ticularly of the lives
and well-being of the
workers and their
families.
By securing a more
effective inspection of
workshops, factories
and mines.
By forbidding tho
employment of chil
dren under 6 years of
age.
By estab 1 1 s h 1 n g
minimum wage
scales.
By securing to every
worker a rest period
of not less than a day
and a half in each
week.
By shortening the
workday in keeping
with the increased
productiveness of machinery.
ft ITK' ;" A. -i&JVM.
i ft
By abolishing the
"Step Towards Socialism
"PROGRESSIVE"
PLATFORM
The p r o g r o s slve
party, believing that
a free peoplo should
have the power from
time to time to amend
their fundamental law
so as to adapt it pro
gressively to the
changing needs of the
people, pledges itself
to provide a more easy
and expeditious
method of amending
tho federal constitu
tion. Tho supreme duty
of the nation is the
conservation of human
resources through an
enlarged measuro of
social and industrial
justice.
We pledge ourselves
to work unceasingly in
stato and nation for:
Effective legislation
looking to the preven
tion of industrial ac
cidents, occupational
diseases, overwork, in
voluntary unemploy
ment and other injur
ious effects incident to
modern industry.
Tho prohibition of
child labor.
Minimum wage
standards for working'
women, to provide a
"living wage" in all
industrial occupations.
One day's rest in
seven for all wage
workers. The eight-hour da
in continuous twenty-5
four-hour industries.
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The general prohi
bition of night work1
for women and the
establishment of an
eight-hour work dar
for women and young
persons.
The abolition of the
brutal exploitation of
convicts undor tho con
tract system, and sub
stituting tho coopera
tive organization of
industries in peniten
tiaries and workshops
for tho benefit of con
victs and their depen
dents. Tho enactment of
further measures for
tho conservation of
health. Tho creation
of an Independent bu
reau of health, with
such restrictions as
will secure tho full
liberty of all schools of
practice.
Tho separation of
the present bureau of
labor from tho depart
ment of commerce and
labor and its elevation
to tho rank of a de
partment. Tho adoption of a
graduated income tax,
the increase of tho
rates of the present
corporation tax, and
the extension of in
heritance taxes, gradu
ated in proportion to
tho value of the estate
and to nearness of kin
the proceeds of
theso taxes to bo em
ployed In the sociali
zation of industry.
Unrestricted a n.d
equal sutfrage4for men
and women. '."
The abolition of the
monopoly ownership of
patents and the sub
stitution of collective
ownership, with direct
rewards to inventors
by premiums or royal
ties. The adoption of the
Initiative, referendum
and recall, and of pro
portional representa
tion, nationally as well
as locally.
The extension of the
public domain to in
clude mines, ' 'quarries,
oil wells, forests and
water powor.
The further conser
vation and idevelop
ment of natural re
sources for the use and
benefit of all the
people.
The development of
convict contract labor
system, substituting a
system of prison pro
duction for govern
mental consumption
only, and tho applica
tion of prison earnings
to tho support of their
-dopendent familios.
Wo favor tho union
of all existing agen
cies of tho federal
government dealing
with tho public health
into a single national
health service, without
discrimination against
or for any ono set of
thorapeutic methods,
schools of medicine or
schools of healing.
We pledge our party
to establls i a depart
ment of labor with a
seat in tho cabinet,
and with wldo juris
diction over matters
affecting tho condi
tions of labor and liv
ing. We believe in a
graduated inheritance
tax as a national
means of equalizing
the obi i g a t i o n s of
holders of property to
government, and we
hereby pledge our
party to enact such a
federal law as will tax
largo inheritances, re
turning to tho states
an equitable percent
age of all amounts col
lected. Wo favor the
ratification of the
pending amendment to
the constitution giving
the government power
to levy an income tax.
The p r o g r o s slve
party, believing that
no peoplo can justly
claim to bo a true de
mocracy which denies
political rights on ac
count of sex, pledges
itself to tho task of
securing equal suffrago
to men and women
alike.
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We pledge ourselves
to the enactment of a
patent- law which will
mako it impossible for
patents to bo sup
pressed or used against
the public welfare in
the Interests of injuri
ous monopolies.
Initiative, referen
dum and recall.
Natural resources
whoso conservation Is
necessary for tho na
tional welfare should
bo owned or controlled
by tho nation.
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We favor tho early
V
highway and wntor
way systoms.
Tho collectlvo own
ership and democratic
management of tho
banking and curroncy
system.
Tho irnmodlato curb
ing of tho powor of
the courts to issuo injunctions.
THE LETTERS THAT STARTED THE
TROUBLE
Following are tho letters written by John D.
Archbold, of tho Standard Oil trust to Senator
Boles PonroBo, republican, of Pennsylvania. The
publication of theso in Hearst's Magazlno made
necessary Senator Penrose's "explanation."
Octobor 13, 1904.
"Personal.
My doar senator: In fulfillment of our under
standing, it gives mo pleasure to hand you
herewith certificate of doposlt to your favor for
$25,000, and with good wishes, I am, yours
truly, JNO. D. ARCHBOLD."
May 17, 1899.
"My dear senator: I don't suppose It is st
all necessary to bother you again rogardlng the
Washington matter, but Mr. Wardwoll is this
morning In receipt of tho Inclosed letter from
tho socretary of the commission, urging him to
appear before them In Juno. I havo said to
him that ho need, give himself no uneasiness
about It, and that tho understanding is clear
that none of our parties aro to appear in June.
As I think I havo told you, Mr. Wardwoll is la
poor wealth and is planning to leave for Europe.
I havo thought best, however, to send this to
you out of tho fulness of precaution.
"Apologizing again for troubling you in the
matter, I am, very truly yours,
"JNO. D. ARCHBOLD."
January 5, 1900.
"My dear senator: I havo today telographsd
you as follows:
" 'Corporations should not bo required to
mako public tho names or holdings of all stock
holders. It Is an unjust and unnecessary In
quisition into tho private affairs of Individual
stockholders and serves no public good. If de
manded by 'Creditors, state laws now provide
the means of obtaining tho information. Pri
vate corporations should not bo required to
make public items of receipts and expenditures,
profits and losses. A statement of assets and
liabilities is all that can benoflt the public
Items of receipts and expenditures, profits and
losses can only benefit tho competitors.'
"I beg to acknowledge also with many thanks
your favor of January 1, the Inclosurcs accom
panying which I beg to return you herewith.
Was very sorry not to see you hero last week;
but, as you know, I was away on a little vaca
tion. "Sorry to learn today of tho report of the
committee in the Quay case, but Btill hope for,
favorable action by tho senato. ;
"With thanks for all your courtesy, I am,
very truly yours, JNO. D. ARCHBOLD."
"26 Broadway, New York."
The following letter apparently refers to the
report of tho Industrial commission, made pub
lic several days later; but Senator Penrose threw
no light upon it in his "defense:"
February 21, 1900.
"My dear senator: I have your kind note
of yesterday, with inclosurcs, which latter I
beg to return herewith. We think tho report
is so fair that we will not undertake to suggest
any changes. With many thanks, I am, very
truly yours, JNO. D. ARCHBOLD."
July 3, 1901.
"My dear senator: Following the lamentable
death of Senator Kyle, we are very strongly of
the opinion that you should take the chairman
ship of the Industrial commission. This seems
eminently fitting from every point of view.
Your name as chairman would undoubtedly give
to the report exceptional assurance of integrity
and intelligence; you are the ranking sena
torial member of the commission; tho interests
of your state are pre-eminent in tho matter;
construction of
tional highways.
na-
Tho issuo of cur
rency is fundamentally
a government func
tion. We hollo vo that the
lssuanco of injunc
tions In cases arising
out of labor disputes
should bo prohibited
whon such injunctions
would not apply whon
no labor disputes existed.
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