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The Commoner.
5
AUGUST 30, 1811
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tho leader before them, and behind .them, ready
to spring, crouched tho millions of democrat
back home. .
Marvelous triumph. Bryan hai put an end
to denunciation In generalities and for the first
time In thehlstory of conventions compelled a
show-down on men men as representative of
policies. .
That resolution was "loaded." It was part of
a plan. It blotted from the list of presidential
possibilities one or two promising candidates.
It, too, was a stroke of political genius. It pro
pared the path for the triumph of progressive
principles.
When the result of the roll call is announced
there are a few deriBive laughs.
"Only some meaningless words," they mutter.
But as he leaves tho platform Bryan, too, smiles
t and sonio men tremble when Bryan smiles.
In a room in tho convention hall are gathered
the brains of tho party at work on the plat
form of principles. There are more than forty
men there nay there is one man there. There
are forty men paying tribute to the genius and
the democracy of one man. That man is Bryan.
He practically dictates the platform. At Den
ver when he was a candidate he had to fight,
through his representatives, for tho platform
he desired. At Baltimore his word is law.
And why?
Because he had the political genius to lose tho
first battle, to arouse the country, to gather be
hind his personal power the impetus of millions
of democrats back home. Had ho won his first
battle he would have lost more vital battles.
By losing himself, he found himself. By de
feating him, they smoothed the way for his
triumph.
It is Friday afternoon and the monotonous
roll call of states follow in dreary succession.
Then arises a fat, sleek, smug man with little
eyes peeping out from the rolls of fat that en
circle them his face blopd red and in a rasp
ing voice announces "Ninety votes for Clark."
It is Murphy, the grand high mogul of Tam
many. One of the ninety votes is that of August
Belmont.
It was Murphy who primarily challenged the
progressives by insisting on Parker for tem
porary chairman. It was Clark's men lining up
with Murphy that accomplished the progressive
dereat. The Clark managers were probably un
just to Clark but the action of Murphy hinted of
a coalition.
Then it was that tho smile of Bryan that
made men shiver, disclosed its meaning. Ho
had forced the convention to declare against
the nomination of a man who might be subject
to the domination of the interests, and now, if
he did not know who the interests favored, he
knew who they opposed.
When Murphy and Belmont went one way,
Bryan switched to Wilson. And that was the
beginning to the end. Ho had forced the demo
cratic party to issue an open declaration of war
against Wall street. He had written into the
platform the plan of campaign against Wall
street. And now he named the general who
was to lead the people against tho enemy.
It was a complete victory. Never in tho
political history of the world, and I write It de
liberately had any political leader ever won
a more sweeping victory.
IV.
A word now as to the methods of Roosevelt
and Bryan.
In the days when Roosevelt sat about tho
council table with such astute leaders as Root,
Taft, Bonaparte and others, and with their aid,
planned his campaign, he seemed invincible.
The world refused to admit that his apparent
wisdom was the composite wisdom of his cabi
net. It declined to credit tho prestige of his
exalted station with any of the glory of the
triumph. It was Roosevelt. But the moment
he found himself without his advisors and
stripped of the prestige of power he began Xo
blunder, and the climax of his blundering was
reached at Chicago.
He faced at Chicago somo of the same
forces that Bryan faced at Baltimore, and ho
attempted to concentrate against his foes tho
same public sentiment outside the convention
halls and failed. He failed because he fought
with epithets. Every reverse threw him into a
spasm of fury. He lost his head. Ho had no
definite plan. But worst of all he could not
subordinate his personal ambition for principle.
He might hav forced a progressive platform
and could have named a progressive candidate,
but he did not apparently care for tho plat
form, and ho did not want a progressive nomi
ne unless it should bo Roosevelt.
His speoches at mass mootlngs woro part ser
mons, part denunciations, full of sound and
fury, leading nowhoro. His abuso appalled, his
Belfishness finally repolled.
How difforont with Bryan. Doubtless ho
would have liked the nomination, but ho subor
dinated that ambition, and therein lies his su
periority. Roosevelt had but ono thought
the nomination. Checked in that ambition, ho
had neither the patience, tho desiro, tho gonoral
shlp to fight the moro vital battles, Hero Bryan
proved himself tho groator leader tho biggest
man. He fought ovory inch of tho ground. Ho
had the clear brain to plan ahoad. His speoches
were not sermons nor moro abuso. They wero
inspiring, fighting speoches, having a definite
purpose. Each speech had a motive, an imme
diate purpose. Every purpose dove-tailed. Thus
did ho win by degrees.
"He built the ladder with which to rlso
From tho lowly earth to the vaulted skies."
It has often been said that eloquence no
longer counts.
This is absurd. In any popular assembly, in
any great popular movement eloquence is a part
of tho equipment of war.
Tho speeches of Bryan and Roosovolt at Balti
more and Chicago are Interesting from this point
of view. Tho speech delivered at tho mass
meeting at Chicago on tho Monday night before
tho convention, was not suited to Its purpose.
Tho first part was a dissertation on pure poll
tics, and resembled a sermon on toleration de
livered to a blood-thirsty army sacking a city;
tho second section was mere abuse calculated to
cement tho forces of opposition.
Tho speeches of Bryan wero passionate, in
tense, concise, forcible, compelling, aimed at
some definite weak spot in tho breastworks of
tho enemy. Had they been theoretic sermons,
no one would have cared. Had they been moro
abuso they would have lost their potency In tho
country. In tho midst of turmoil, in tho face of
hissing, hating men, he couched his appeals In
language calculated to make a profound impres
sion on the minds of the millions who are to
vote at tho polls. It was a realization of' this
fact on the part pf his enemies that forced thom
to support him as they hissed.
Some one has said that after hearing Cicero tho
audience said, "How fine," and after listening
to Demosthenes, "Let's march againBt Phlllpp."
That Is the difference between tho speeches of
Roosevelt and Bryan at Chicago and Baltimore.
The country heard tho former and said, "How
true." They heard tho latter and exclaimed,
"Let's fight."
V.
Out of the turmoil, tho seething, sweltering
maddening mass at the two conventions the
voice of reason spoke, and said: "In national
conventions called for tho performance of the
noblest function of free people, tho empty
meaningless, bought-and-paid-for demonstra
tions of noise and fury must yield henceforth to
dignified deliberation."
Tho disgraceful features of both conventions
were the puerile attempts at stampedes.
Cattle stampede. Men should not.
At Chicago the fusillade of vllo epithets ban
died back and forth between the platform and
floor and gallery mantled the national cheek
with tho blush of shame. Tho Bill Flinns play
ing tho village rowdy were a melancholy spec
tacle and a sad commentary on our national
life. At Baltimore the booing and hissing of
men like Bryan and Bell were ineffably disgust
ing. In both conventions thero were moments
when the mob reigned.
The most amusing and at tho same time the
most nauseating sight at Baltimore wero tho
mechanical efforts of tho friends of the candi
dates to outshout the others. As one of the
nominating speeches was being made my atten
tion was attracted to a wild-eyed individual on
tho floor feverishly distributing flags and tin
horns preparatory to an "impulsive demonstra
tion" at the conclusion of the speech. It repre
sented as great a fraud as when some four-flushing
orator with an elaborately prepared dis
course In his hip pocket rises "to make a few
extemporaneous remarks."
It fooled no one. It amused some. It dis
gusted others.
Either one of two things will inevitably re
sult from tho disgraceful features of the two
conventions the mob spirit will to eliminated
or presidential primaries will come.
The forthcoming campaign may be prolific of
surprises, but as I write today It c.ppears quite
probable that tho two picturesque figures of tho
two conventions accomplished far-roaching re
sults. Theodoro Roosevelt by fighting a losing battlo
wrought ruin for tho party that long followed
him with tho zeal of a crusader.
William Jennings Bryan by fighting a winning
battlo has givon his party a now birth.
Tho next few months may throw a now light
on tho situation.
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THE SHAME OF NEW YORK 0
Baltimoro Nows: Out of Its own
mouth tho Now York delegation stands 0
condemned of all that Mr. Bryan said of
It. Tho roll of its honornblo members
cited by Mr. Stanchfiold Is impressive 0
Tho public may not havo realized that
tho delegation has horo tho govornor
and lleutonant-govornor of tho stato; tho
democratic candldato for tho presidency
In 1904; an ox-Justlco of tho suprome
court of tho stato; lawyers of roputo,
business men, professional men In ovory
walk and dopartmont of life. To quote
Mr. Stanchflold's own words, It "is tho
most representative delegation that ever
came to a national convention from tho
state of Now York." S
Personally, men liko Senator O'Gor-
man, John B. Stanchfleld and William
G. McAdoo'aro not marlonots. They
aro men whoso open influence on tho G
floor of tho convention, whoso open G
condemnation of Tammany methods,
whoso expressed opposition to tho con- G
tinuanco of machine politics would havo G
won for thom tho promlnonco and G
authority during tho procoodlngs to G
which their natural attributes entitle
thom. In that case Mr. Bryan's attack G
on tho New York delegation would not G
have been called forth; If made, It would G
havo boon utterly ridiculous. G
But have theso men oxortod any In- G
fluonco in tho convention? Is there any G
record to show that they havo exerted it G
in their delegation caucuses? Is thero G
tho slightest indication that their con- G
nection with tho delegation has altorcd G
the delegation's course in this convene G
tlon? G
A human puppet is a man who does G
another's bidding. That ho doesn't want G
to bo a puppet doesn't matter. Tho G
majority of tho New York delegation G
controls Its actions. Tho majority in G
this case does Mr. Murphy's bidding G
willingly. Tho minority does it willy G
nilly. Through twenty-six ballots tho G
extent to which sentimont In tho Jew G
York delegation was divided was utterly G
unknown. Through twenty-six ballots G
the progressive members, men who by G
virtue of tholr innate qualities might G
havo assumed tho leadership of tho pro- G
gressive forces, failed to raise tholr voice G
and continued to voto in opposition to G
their beliefs. They must continue so to G
vote. It was only by taking advantage G
of a technicality in parliamentary pro- G
cedure that they could got their real G
sentiments officially recorded i.t all. If G
this Is not puppetdom, in what docs G
puppetdom consist? G
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