JC.
The Commoner.
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;RepubKcan Party Poisoned to Death
:- by Privilege
A few days before the Baltimore convention
the Cleveland (Ohio) Press printed the follow
ing editorial:
"The republican, party, born in glory fifty-six
years ago, died from poison administered by
privilege at Chicago last week. Tho nomination
of Taft and Sherman and the adoption of a re
actionary platform written by the crooked and
conscienceless bosses is a fitting climax to the
latter day record of perfidy and dishonor of this
once great political organization.
"Now that the smoke of battle which some
what obscured the vision during the wild days
of the convention has -cleared away, this tre
mendous naked fact stands out in bold relief: .
"That in absolute and utter defiance of the
efforts of those men In the party who would
have saved it from itself by matting it respond
in at least some measure to the progressive spirit
of tho v times, privilege as represented by the
corrupt" bosses showed that Its grip on the party
vitals is not to be loosened.
"Root, corrupt business's ablest and craftiest
tool, Barnes of New York, Penrose of Pennsyl
vania, Crane of Massachusetts, Guggenheim of
Colorado, Bradley of Kentucky these men and
others of like type have put privilege's stamp
of approval on Taft, and presented him to the
country as the republican candidate on a plat
form more reactionary than any party has had
the temerity to bo sponsor for since Bryan vi
talized the progressive movement nearly a score
of years ago.
"It seems inconceivable that any of these men
can not see that it is impossible for even such
a wonderful political organization to survive
after this dose of poison.
"The overwhelming defeat of Taft and the
permanent elimination from public life of the
Practical Tariff Talks
When the republican orators take the stump
this fall to defend the republican tariff bill
if any of them will be so hardy the wheat and
cotton farmers of the country ought to ask them
to explain why the republican party finds it
necessary to protect the bagging truBt. All of
the covering used for cotton bales and most of
the bags that are necessary in the marketing
of stock foods, fertilizers and the like are made
of jute. The jute or jute butts used in the
manufacture of these, coverings must all be im
ported, since none can be grown In thlB coun
try. They all come In free as raw materials
for the gunny cloth and burlap manufacturers,
but these men demand a 27 per cent tariff pro
tection. The republican party has given it to
them. The result has been to build up a trust
which furnishes about four-fifths of the entire
domestic need for bagging.
Believing that these duties had annoyed and
burdened farmers long enough the democratic
house passed a measure which placed bagging on
the free list. It also included all other cover
ings and materials for making coverings that
are essential to the transportation of agricul
tural products to their markets. This bill was
vetoed by the president, being among those
"hasty and ill-considered pieces of legislation"
that he does not approve of. The same bill in
cluded cotton ties. A cotton tie is a band or
hoop of iron and steel which holda together
the compressed cotton after It Is baled. The
present duty Is "so high that the law as it now
exists has placed the great cotton industry of
the country under tribute to the steel trust.
This great corporation, as proven by testimony
of the experts, needs no protection whatever,
being able to make steel and Iron cheaper than
is possible in any other country, and has for
years sold its products, including these ties,
cheaper abroad than it does at home.
This democratic bill also proposed to place
sewing machines on the free list. The sewing
machine is a prime necessity in every home and
ought to be purchasable at prices at least as
favorable as those given foreign buyers. The
(MWing machine business of the country is in a
whole foul brood that poisoned their party id
order to force his nomination Is as cortain as
that the election will occur noxt Novombor.
"Tho mask has at last been torn away, revoal
Ing to tho gaze of every man .who will boo, tho
hideous features that have so long boon hitldon.
Tho republican party has finally been forced to
declare itself as between progress and reaction,
as between men and dollars, and its declaration
having boldly been mado In favor of reaction
and dollars, that is tho end of the republican
party.
"For the mass of tho people of this country
are no longer the slaves to pirty names and em
blems that they once were. They have at laBt
seen and grasped tho groat truth that political
parties are merely means to an end, that end
being social and economic justice.
"Whether the Immediate future hope of tho
nation lies in the democratic party, which faces
its crisis at Baltimore this week, or in the now
national progressive party, which was born at
Orchestra hall, Chicago, Saturday night, remains
to be seen. Cortain it Is that tho same evil
influences which did tho republican party to
death at Chicago last weok will attempt tho
same thing with tho democratic party at Balti
more this week.
"If they succeed in spite of the heroic dfforts
to save it which are being made by William J.
Bryan and Woodrow Wilson, nothing short of a
cataclysm can prevent a third party, made up
of the- progressives of the two old parties, from
sweeping tho country."
But tho machine did not rule at Baltimore,
that Is not after the first round or two. The
democratic party, under Governor Wilson is to
bo clearly progressive although democrats
understand that "eternal vigilance is the price
of liberty."
comparatively few hands, and thoir product Is
manufactured here as cheaply as any other
country can possibly make them. They are also
sold abroad at much lower prices than they can
bo purchased for here. Yet tho bill did not be
come a law because of the opposition of tho
republican executive. This bill also placed on
the free list that great necessity, salt. Under
the existing tariff law the American is protected
from the pauper salt of Europe by a 50 per cent
tariff. The domestic supply Is dependent upon
a limited number of natural deposits, and put
ting a heavy tariff upon It results In placing an
added value to the holdings" of those who own
these deposits. This is following out a republi
can policy of not only giving the fortunate
owner of mineral and other deposite tho sole
right to what ho has found, but to glvo greater
value to it by protective duties.
Whether there Is a salt trust or not is a
matter of dispute. Several cautious gentlemen
speak of it as a gradual concentration of pro
ducing interests. One bold witness before tho
house ways and means committee in 1909, when
the Payne-Aldrlch bill was In the making, said
that the International Salt company of New
Jersey controls the salt made in this country,
and that it raises the price at will. He further
stated that the company has made Its selling
price as high for Its lowest quotation as tho
price of foreign salt landed at a United States
port plus the tariff, and that the system of mak
ing, preparing and marketing tho company'!
product permits It to sell salt In competition
with foreign salt without tho protection of the
tariff, but that It takes over the tariff intended
for the government merely by absorbing it Into
its selling prices. There Is, however, some salt
that comes in duty free. The New England
crowd in the senate and house secured the
exemption of that salt used in curing fish, while
the meat trust pays no duty on salt used In
curing meats in the United States, having that
duty remitted upon tho exportation of those
meat3.
In order to share in the profits of protection
a state or other governmental subdivision must
possess political power; that is, it must be ablo
to have a number of votes in congress to trade
on any proposition. The experience of. Porto
Rico proves that protection isn't given as' a mat
ter of right, buCas a matter of trade and barter
in legislation. For a number of years Porto
Rico has boon trying to Induce the repnbllcanC
In congress to levy a duty of 5 or 0 cents a pound
on coffeo. Tho planters havo been presenting
splendid protection arguments, but thoy havo
not been ablo to convince tho protectionists,
largoly because of tho fact that thoy aro only
little brown brothers without politcal influence.
When tho republicans were proparlng tho
present law they were petitioned by various
chambers of commerce and business men of
Porto Rico to place a tax on coffee. Tho Porto
Ricans put the protectionists In the deopost kind
of a holo for every argument thoy presented In
favor of tholr proposition was Identical with
those that Aldrlch and tho other spokesmen for
the big interests that thrive on special tariff
privileges brought forth. Thoy didn't get it
because thero Is no senator from Porto Rico and
only ono representative but democrats will
enjoy tho story of their struggle Coffeo in
Porto Rico is the poor man's crop. Anybody
with an aero of ground can plant coffee and get
roady cash for it while sugar and tobacco can
profitably bo raised only on largo plantations.
When Porto Rico became a part of the United
States sugar and tobacco production largoly In
creased because of tho tariff but tho absenco of
any tariff on coffee hit that Industry a stagger
ing blow.
Here were tho arguments presented to con
gress by the Porto Ricau coffeo planters' repre
sentatives and note how thoroughly thoy covor
tho dofense Invariably raised by protectionists
to justify their exactions: That since becom
ing a part of the United Statos tho natives must
feod and clotho themselves with American pro
ducts, since tho tariff will not permit other
wise; that thoy are compelled to purchaso these
things at domestic prices, which moans the ad
vanced prices the tariff allows, tho import duty
being so calculated as to prevent outside com
petition. If thoy had to pay more to the' big
white brother tip In Massachusetts, who runs
tho toxtllo mills, for what they wore, in order
that the big white brother might prosper, why
should not thoy, it was argued, be given tho
same right, through a tariff law, to ask tho big
white brothor to contribute to their prosperity?
They insisted that If a six cent a pound duty
was levied upon coffee thoy would bo ablo, with
in a brief period, to produce all of tho coffee
consumed In America. The same argument was
advanced with respect to rlco and other food
products used In Porto Rico, the rice coming
from Texas and Louisiana.
To tho argument that the great body of coffeo
consumers ought not to be burdened In order to
favor those few inhabitants who produce coffee
under tho flag. It was pointed out that when the
first sugar duty was put on tho statuto books
Louisiana was producing but a small proportion
of tho sugar consumed. To tho argument that
it was burdening tho poor man's breakfast table,
it was answered that he was paying on sugar,
salt, meat, rice and almost everything else, why
not on coffee, especially when free coffee was
nullified, so far as price Is concerned, by Bra
zil's act in levying an export tax on its product
It was pointed out that Porto Ricans can no
longer, since coming under tho flag, buy tho
machinery they need in England, Belgium or
France, as they did before, but must buy from
tho American manufacturer, to whom he has to
pay a much higher price than any of the neigh
boring Islanders havo to pay to the same factory,
because tho American manufacturer has to lower
his price for these neighbors or they will buy
elsewhere.
The same argument was presented In behalf
of Hawaii and tho Philippines, but coffeo was
kept on tho free list. Why? Every argument
that won protection for sugar, wool, cotton
goods, silk goods and tho like was presented on
behalf of coffee. Why did thoy not succeed?
There is but ono answer, and it shows the
hollowness of the pretense that tariffs are mado
according to any rule of mathematics or logic
tho colonies have no voting strength In both
houses. c. Q. D.
A GOOD CAMPAIGN CLUB
J. D. Smith, jr., Florida: Being interested in
The Commoner myself, I have worked among
my frleiids for just a few hours, with the result
that I ain enclosing you herewith my checlc'Td
pay for 26 yearly subscriptions. " "'''
