Image provided by: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Libraries, Lincoln, NE
About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (July 26, 1912)
JC. The Commoner. jraiT , m 5 ", WK ;RepubKcan Party Poisoned to Death :- by Privilege A few days before the Baltimore convention the Cleveland (Ohio) Press printed the follow ing editorial: "The republican, party, born in glory fifty-six years ago, died from poison administered by privilege at Chicago last week. Tho nomination of Taft and Sherman and the adoption of a re actionary platform written by the crooked and conscienceless bosses is a fitting climax to the latter day record of perfidy and dishonor of this once great political organization. "Now that the smoke of battle which some what obscured the vision during the wild days of the convention has -cleared away, this tre mendous naked fact stands out in bold relief: . "That in absolute and utter defiance of the efforts of those men In the party who would have saved it from itself by matting it respond in at least some measure to the progressive spirit of tho v times, privilege as represented by the corrupt" bosses showed that Its grip on the party vitals is not to be loosened. "Root, corrupt business's ablest and craftiest tool, Barnes of New York, Penrose of Pennsyl vania, Crane of Massachusetts, Guggenheim of Colorado, Bradley of Kentucky these men and others of like type have put privilege's stamp of approval on Taft, and presented him to the country as the republican candidate on a plat form more reactionary than any party has had the temerity to bo sponsor for since Bryan vi talized the progressive movement nearly a score of years ago. "It seems inconceivable that any of these men can not see that it is impossible for even such a wonderful political organization to survive after this dose of poison. "The overwhelming defeat of Taft and the permanent elimination from public life of the Practical Tariff Talks When the republican orators take the stump this fall to defend the republican tariff bill if any of them will be so hardy the wheat and cotton farmers of the country ought to ask them to explain why the republican party finds it necessary to protect the bagging truBt. All of the covering used for cotton bales and most of the bags that are necessary in the marketing of stock foods, fertilizers and the like are made of jute. The jute or jute butts used in the manufacture of these, coverings must all be im ported, since none can be grown In thlB coun try. They all come In free as raw materials for the gunny cloth and burlap manufacturers, but these men demand a 27 per cent tariff pro tection. The republican party has given it to them. The result has been to build up a trust which furnishes about four-fifths of the entire domestic need for bagging. Believing that these duties had annoyed and burdened farmers long enough the democratic house passed a measure which placed bagging on the free list. It also included all other cover ings and materials for making coverings that are essential to the transportation of agricul tural products to their markets. This bill was vetoed by the president, being among those "hasty and ill-considered pieces of legislation" that he does not approve of. The same bill in cluded cotton ties. A cotton tie is a band or hoop of iron and steel which holda together the compressed cotton after It Is baled. The present duty Is "so high that the law as it now exists has placed the great cotton industry of the country under tribute to the steel trust. This great corporation, as proven by testimony of the experts, needs no protection whatever, being able to make steel and Iron cheaper than is possible in any other country, and has for years sold its products, including these ties, cheaper abroad than it does at home. This democratic bill also proposed to place sewing machines on the free list. The sewing machine is a prime necessity in every home and ought to be purchasable at prices at least as favorable as those given foreign buyers. The (MWing machine business of the country is in a whole foul brood that poisoned their party id order to force his nomination Is as cortain as that the election will occur noxt Novombor. "Tho mask has at last been torn away, revoal Ing to tho gaze of every man .who will boo, tho hideous features that have so long boon hitldon. Tho republican party has finally been forced to declare itself as between progress and reaction, as between men and dollars, and its declaration having boldly been mado In favor of reaction and dollars, that is tho end of the republican party. "For the mass of tho people of this country are no longer the slaves to pirty names and em blems that they once were. They have at laBt seen and grasped tho groat truth that political parties are merely means to an end, that end being social and economic justice. "Whether the Immediate future hope of tho nation lies in the democratic party, which faces its crisis at Baltimore this week, or in the now national progressive party, which was born at Orchestra hall, Chicago, Saturday night, remains to be seen. Cortain it Is that tho same evil influences which did tho republican party to death at Chicago last weok will attempt tho same thing with tho democratic party at Balti more this week. "If they succeed in spite of the heroic dfforts to save it which are being made by William J. Bryan and Woodrow Wilson, nothing short of a cataclysm can prevent a third party, made up of the- progressives of the two old parties, from sweeping tho country." But tho machine did not rule at Baltimore, that Is not after the first round or two. The democratic party, under Governor Wilson is to bo clearly progressive although democrats understand that "eternal vigilance is the price of liberty." comparatively few hands, and thoir product Is manufactured here as cheaply as any other country can possibly make them. They are also sold abroad at much lower prices than they can bo purchased for here. Yet tho bill did not be come a law because of the opposition of tho republican executive. This bill also placed on the free list that great necessity, salt. Under the existing tariff law the American is protected from the pauper salt of Europe by a 50 per cent tariff. The domestic supply Is dependent upon a limited number of natural deposits, and put ting a heavy tariff upon It results In placing an added value to the holdings" of those who own these deposits. This is following out a republi can policy of not only giving the fortunate owner of mineral and other deposite tho sole right to what ho has found, but to glvo greater value to it by protective duties. Whether there Is a salt trust or not is a matter of dispute. Several cautious gentlemen speak of it as a gradual concentration of pro ducing interests. One bold witness before tho house ways and means committee in 1909, when the Payne-Aldrlch bill was In the making, said that the International Salt company of New Jersey controls the salt made in this country, and that it raises the price at will. He further stated that the company has made Its selling price as high for Its lowest quotation as tho price of foreign salt landed at a United States port plus the tariff, and that the system of mak ing, preparing and marketing tho company'! product permits It to sell salt In competition with foreign salt without tho protection of the tariff, but that It takes over the tariff intended for the government merely by absorbing it Into its selling prices. There Is, however, some salt that comes in duty free. The New England crowd in the senate and house secured the exemption of that salt used in curing fish, while the meat trust pays no duty on salt used In curing meats in the United States, having that duty remitted upon tho exportation of those meat3. In order to share in the profits of protection a state or other governmental subdivision must possess political power; that is, it must be ablo to have a number of votes in congress to trade on any proposition. The experience of. Porto Rico proves that protection isn't given as' a mat ter of right, buCas a matter of trade and barter in legislation. For a number of years Porto Rico has boon trying to Induce the repnbllcanC In congress to levy a duty of 5 or 0 cents a pound on coffeo. Tho planters havo been presenting splendid protection arguments, but thoy havo not been ablo to convince tho protectionists, largoly because of tho fact that thoy aro only little brown brothers without politcal influence. When tho republicans were proparlng tho present law they were petitioned by various chambers of commerce and business men of Porto Rico to place a tax on coffee. Tho Porto Ricans put the protectionists In the deopost kind of a holo for every argument thoy presented In favor of tholr proposition was Identical with those that Aldrlch and tho other spokesmen for the big interests that thrive on special tariff privileges brought forth. Thoy didn't get it because thero Is no senator from Porto Rico and only ono representative but democrats will enjoy tho story of their struggle Coffeo in Porto Rico is the poor man's crop. Anybody with an aero of ground can plant coffee and get roady cash for it while sugar and tobacco can profitably bo raised only on largo plantations. When Porto Rico became a part of the United States sugar and tobacco production largoly In creased because of tho tariff but tho absenco of any tariff on coffee hit that Industry a stagger ing blow. Here were tho arguments presented to con gress by the Porto Ricau coffeo planters' repre sentatives and note how thoroughly thoy covor tho dofense Invariably raised by protectionists to justify their exactions: That since becom ing a part of the United Statos tho natives must feod and clotho themselves with American pro ducts, since tho tariff will not permit other wise; that thoy are compelled to purchaso these things at domestic prices, which moans the ad vanced prices the tariff allows, tho import duty being so calculated as to prevent outside com petition. If thoy had to pay more to the' big white brother tip In Massachusetts, who runs tho toxtllo mills, for what they wore, in order that the big white brother might prosper, why should not thoy, it was argued, be given tho same right, through a tariff law, to ask tho big white brothor to contribute to their prosperity? They insisted that If a six cent a pound duty was levied upon coffee thoy would bo ablo, with in a brief period, to produce all of tho coffee consumed In America. The same argument was advanced with respect to rlco and other food products used In Porto Rico, the rice coming from Texas and Louisiana. To tho argument that the great body of coffeo consumers ought not to be burdened In order to favor those few inhabitants who produce coffee under tho flag. It was pointed out that when the first sugar duty was put on tho statuto books Louisiana was producing but a small proportion of tho sugar consumed. To tho argument that it was burdening tho poor man's breakfast table, it was answered that he was paying on sugar, salt, meat, rice and almost everything else, why not on coffee, especially when free coffee was nullified, so far as price Is concerned, by Bra zil's act in levying an export tax on its product It was pointed out that Porto Ricans can no longer, since coming under tho flag, buy tho machinery they need in England, Belgium or France, as they did before, but must buy from tho American manufacturer, to whom he has to pay a much higher price than any of the neigh boring Islanders havo to pay to the same factory, because tho American manufacturer has to lower his price for these neighbors or they will buy elsewhere. The same argument was presented In behalf of Hawaii and tho Philippines, but coffeo was kept on tho free list. Why? Every argument that won protection for sugar, wool, cotton goods, silk goods and tho like was presented on behalf of coffee. Why did thoy not succeed? There is but ono answer, and it shows the hollowness of the pretense that tariffs are mado according to any rule of mathematics or logic tho colonies have no voting strength In both houses. c. Q. D. A GOOD CAMPAIGN CLUB J. D. Smith, jr., Florida: Being interested in The Commoner myself, I have worked among my frleiids for just a few hours, with the result that I ain enclosing you herewith my checlc'Td pay for 26 yearly subscriptions. " "'''