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The Commoner;
JULT 2, 1912
11
r
cratic party. It iB an attitude which
the democratic party and the demo
cratic candidate may try to persuade
others to take, but it is not one
which they have any reasonable
ground for believing that progres
sives can accept.
The progressives can not accept
the democratic ticket and the demo
cratic platform; because they believe
that the evils of the tariff system will
bo cured, not by depriving the na
tional government of power, but by
the exercise of national power for
the benefit of those who need it
most; because they believe that the
trust question can not be" solved by
the slow, laborious methods of civil
and criminal lawsuits, but only by
the vigorous exercise of power in he
national , government through a
strong and efficient administrative
bureau; because they believe that
the forests and the streams, the hid
den wealth in the soil, and all other
natural resources now owned by the
nation should be kept in the control
of ;the nation; because they believe
that social and industrial injustice,
due to the unregulated power of pri
vate concerns, should not be left
merely to the varying methods and
moods of the several states, but
should be attacked by the one
sovereign force that is equal to the
task tho national government.
The powers of the federal govern
ment have steadily enlarged with the
growth of the nation, the complexity
of our civilization, and the changing
needs of the people. Questions of in
dustry and of justice which once
could be settled by reference to in
dividuals, like any other dispute be
tween one man and another, have
become questions, with which the
whole community has to deal. The
fundamental ' difference between the
democratic party and the progres
sives lies m the fact that the demo
cratic party would attempt to restore
in 1912 the conditions as they were
in the eighteenth century, in a na
tion of ninety millions what they
were in a nation of four millions;
while the progressives would discard
those limitations surviving from the
past that hamper and interfere with
the progress of the people, and, turn
ing forward, would insist that the
ninety million people of tho nation
should be permitted to do whatever
is necessary for the welfare of the
nation and for securing social justice.
These progressives thus refuse to
follow Wilson, not because they dis
trust the man, but because they will
not ally themselves withhis party's
organization or indorse his party's
creed.
CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS
IN 1004
Following is an Associated .Press
dispatch: Washington, D. C, July
16. The senate's investigation of
campaign contributions in the elec
tions of 1904 and 1908 today turned
to an inquiry of the democratic funds
used in Alton B. Parker's campaign
of 1904.
August Belmont told the senators
he personally contributed about
$250,000 and that the total amount
in the war chest had been less than
a million dollars.
Postmaster General Frank H.
Hitchcock, chairman of the republi
can national committee in 1908, will
testify tomorrow about the contri
butions to President Taft's first
campaign fund and Thursday Wil
liam F. Sheehan, a member of the
democratic national executive com
mittee in 1904, will be a witness.
Mr. Belmont said a contribution
of $10,000 offered by Henry Have
meyer, the sugar king, was refused
by his committee in 1904.
It The senators wanted to know how
iMr." Belmont came to give $250,000
to the Parker campaign. He ex
plained he had contributed when
deficits occurred.
"My habit has been that if I fel
responsible for anything my obliga
tion is not measured in dollars and
cents," said he.
When asked if he expected or had
been promised anything in return for
his time and contributions, Mr. Bel
mont said:
"I contributed purely as a demo
crat." Mr. Belmont told first of advanc
ing $50,000 to the democratic na
tional committee. Ho said ho had
been reimbursed $42,000.
"Those committees always started
out that way," ho explained. "They
ask for advances and then begin to
raise funds.. Later they reimbursed
me so that the balance of $8,000
only was a contribution."
The capitalist remembered he had
paid "two small items" of $1,000
each to Maurice Cucor, a Hungarian
leader in New York.
Senator Jones asked Mr. Belmont
for the total of his contribution. The
witness thought ho could not Re
member. "Was it more than $60,000?"
"Oh, yes."
"One hundred thousand dollars?"
"It must have been more than
that."
"Was it $250,000?" pursued Sena
tor Jones.
"I doubt it. I tried to remember,
but I find I can not," said Mr. Bel
mont. Senator Jones tried a new. tack.
"Did you contribute by cash or
check?"
"Very often by cash."
"And check?" queried Senator
Paynter.
"Seldom by check. I can not re
member the exact amount,' but I am
satisfied with an estimate of $250,
000' "Do you care to ive any reasons
why you gave so large a sum as
$250,000?" asked Senator Jones.
"I was very active in the nomina
tion," began Mr. Belmont, "and had
been selected to servo on the com
mittee, so when funds did not come
in I just contributed. I never in
tended to make any such contribu
tion, but when deficits arose I con
tributed." He was asked if he had any under
standing of reward from Judge
Parker, the presidential candidate.
"From the very outset Judge Par
ker was a free and independent man
and remained so."
"Did you expect any favors?"
"On the contrary. Judge Parker
understood from me that there
would be nothing I could accept. I
was very much interested in tho cam
paign and gave purely as .a demo
crat." "Nor did you expect to have any
special legislation?" Senator Payn
ter asked.
"None whatever. There was no
interest with which I was connected
that could be helped by special legis
lation." "Before your day, you had the
example of a father who was a
liberal campaign contributor, did
you not?" asked Senator Paynter.
"I did. I remember as a hoy at
tending the convention of 1868."
Mr. Belmont was unable to give an
accurate estimate of the total of the
funds at the disposal of tho demo
cratic national committee in 1904.
When Senator Clapp asked if it were
a million dollars he "guessed" It was
not more than $600,000 or $700,000.
"I never asked for the specific
amount," added Mr. Belmont by way
of explanation. "You see, these
things are not conducted like a busi
ness concern. Keeping accounts is
expensive, and I doubt if any com
mittee ever did It "before It was -under
obligation to do so."
. Mr.' Belmont produced a memoran
dum showing Ihat on March 26,
1906, $447.30. was turned over to
him as the remnant of tlfo demo
cratic war funds. Mr. Bolmont had
then been selected as treasurer of
tho national committee. Ho dis
bursed $28, leaving $419.30, which
ho turned over January 18, 1908, to
W. H. O'Brien, treasurer for the
presidential fight.
When asked if ho could romembor
any contributions from individuals
or corporations, Mr. Belmont replied
thero woro nono from corporations.
"Any from individuals for cor
porations?" asked Senator Clapp.
"No Yes," replied the witness.
"From whom?" insisted Senator
Senator Clapp.
"Henry Havomoyor, but it was re
turned. It was obtained I won't
say who obtained it anyway, it
came in, Later it was rejected and
that contribution was returned as
undesirable."
Mr. Belmont estimated tho Havo
moyor contribution at $10,000. Ho
recalled that ho had asked Morton
V. Plant for a contribution and got
"probably $2,500."
"Did you solicit money from your
friends and acquaintances?" asked
Senator Clapp.
"Some, yes."
Mr. Belmont mentioned Mr. Freed
man, ono of "my directors on the
Interboro," Dolancy Nicoll and a Mr.
Auerbach, as men whom ho had
asked to contribute. Ho said Wall
street gave little.
"Who was tho most activo in rais
ing funds?" tho chairman asked.
"Oh, that is a thing no ono de
votes all his timo to," was the re
ply. "Assigning speakers and dis
tributing literature is the great work.
Every democrat was supposed to con
trfbuto."r'' After telling tho committee ho was
unablo to givo any information of tho
whereabouts of Charles Hall, assis
tant treasurer of the democratic c6m
mittee in 1904, Mr. Bolmont was
excused.
A scahelisss SCARECROW
After Mr. Bryan's remarkable
speech in tho Baltimore convention
Saturday afternoon, a delegate of
Oklahoma named Giddings, said:
"I never scratched a democratic
ticket In my life. Can tho gentle
man from Nebraska say the same?"
Tho question was intended as a
scorching reference to Mr. Bryan, not
alone for his implication of indepen
dence in the speech he had just
made, b'u-t also for his fight some
timo ago on Mayor Dahlman of
Omaha.
And guess who applauded the plea
for "yellow dog regularity" of the
delegate of Oklahoma. Tammany,
of course. Tammany, whoso bosses,
with their masters of Wall street,
know no party lines except to try to
fool tho plain people vith them;
Tammany, which stands for precisely
the same thing In American politics
that Barnes and Penrose and Lori
mer stand for within tho republican
machine.
But that appeal for regularity
without regard to principle has no
meaning now for tho great masses
of the American people. They have
found it out as the old scarecrow of
the Interests that work for Barnes
and Penrose and Tammany. Kansas
City Star.
A MATTER OF NAVIES
"What Is the difference between
pommo de terro and potato?"
"About two dollars." Harvard
Lampoon.
AND WE PAY
Knicker "Which end of a cow
gets up first?" m I
, . Butcherrr mil rises- at -bnce."-
iNew Yorkf'' 'W $
FARM ENQIME SENSATION
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!i?..r . nKfflliP PIGIIF
muim jramrf mill r0 tp04l. UrHJUUrll. LHUinb
A frmr'i power bom on 1imIi Artnt WoU4
GILSflU MFO. CO. 22 Uric SI., POUT WIIHU0T0K, WW.
Learn How Oklahoma
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Our New Booklet now
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Friend of thin roor)n can materially altl In (m
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Guaranty (Stale- Hank.
4 per cent Interests on Time
Deposits and Savings Accounts.
M. G, Haskoll, Pros.
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Muskogee, Okln.
in Feur years successful oparatlen. '
GOV
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dairy productH, etc.
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Stop Working E
In m hour that will
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icml prcpibl. Addresi Tli Wellmer I intitule, ftetada, Ma,
RHEUMATISM
Don't Tulco Medicine. Try My Guar
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WITJIOUT COST
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MM' ' i
vEjf a f7
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The Drafts arc curing old chronica
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Why not test this harmless, simple
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L'it-
