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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (July 26, 1912)
r c 7jp SJ J I ii The Commoner; JULT 2, 1912 11 r cratic party. It iB an attitude which the democratic party and the demo cratic candidate may try to persuade others to take, but it is not one which they have any reasonable ground for believing that progres sives can accept. The progressives can not accept the democratic ticket and the demo cratic platform; because they believe that the evils of the tariff system will bo cured, not by depriving the na tional government of power, but by the exercise of national power for the benefit of those who need it most; because they believe that the trust question can not be" solved by the slow, laborious methods of civil and criminal lawsuits, but only by the vigorous exercise of power in he national , government through a strong and efficient administrative bureau; because they believe that the forests and the streams, the hid den wealth in the soil, and all other natural resources now owned by the nation should be kept in the control of ;the nation; because they believe that social and industrial injustice, due to the unregulated power of pri vate concerns, should not be left merely to the varying methods and moods of the several states, but should be attacked by the one sovereign force that is equal to the task tho national government. The powers of the federal govern ment have steadily enlarged with the growth of the nation, the complexity of our civilization, and the changing needs of the people. Questions of in dustry and of justice which once could be settled by reference to in dividuals, like any other dispute be tween one man and another, have become questions, with which the whole community has to deal. The fundamental ' difference between the democratic party and the progres sives lies m the fact that the demo cratic party would attempt to restore in 1912 the conditions as they were in the eighteenth century, in a na tion of ninety millions what they were in a nation of four millions; while the progressives would discard those limitations surviving from the past that hamper and interfere with the progress of the people, and, turn ing forward, would insist that the ninety million people of tho nation should be permitted to do whatever is necessary for the welfare of the nation and for securing social justice. These progressives thus refuse to follow Wilson, not because they dis trust the man, but because they will not ally themselves withhis party's organization or indorse his party's creed. CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS IN 1004 Following is an Associated .Press dispatch: Washington, D. C, July 16. The senate's investigation of campaign contributions in the elec tions of 1904 and 1908 today turned to an inquiry of the democratic funds used in Alton B. Parker's campaign of 1904. August Belmont told the senators he personally contributed about $250,000 and that the total amount in the war chest had been less than a million dollars. Postmaster General Frank H. Hitchcock, chairman of the republi can national committee in 1908, will testify tomorrow about the contri butions to President Taft's first campaign fund and Thursday Wil liam F. Sheehan, a member of the democratic national executive com mittee in 1904, will be a witness. Mr. Belmont said a contribution of $10,000 offered by Henry Have meyer, the sugar king, was refused by his committee in 1904. It The senators wanted to know how iMr." Belmont came to give $250,000 to the Parker campaign. He ex plained he had contributed when deficits occurred. "My habit has been that if I fel responsible for anything my obliga tion is not measured in dollars and cents," said he. When asked if he expected or had been promised anything in return for his time and contributions, Mr. Bel mont said: "I contributed purely as a demo crat." Mr. Belmont told first of advanc ing $50,000 to the democratic na tional committee. Ho said ho had been reimbursed $42,000. "Those committees always started out that way," ho explained. "They ask for advances and then begin to raise funds.. Later they reimbursed me so that the balance of $8,000 only was a contribution." The capitalist remembered he had paid "two small items" of $1,000 each to Maurice Cucor, a Hungarian leader in New York. Senator Jones asked Mr. Belmont for the total of his contribution. The witness thought ho could not Re member. "Was it more than $60,000?" "Oh, yes." "One hundred thousand dollars?" "It must have been more than that." "Was it $250,000?" pursued Sena tor Jones. "I doubt it. I tried to remember, but I find I can not," said Mr. Bel mont. Senator Jones tried a new. tack. "Did you contribute by cash or check?" "Very often by cash." "And check?" queried Senator Paynter. "Seldom by check. I can not re member the exact amount,' but I am satisfied with an estimate of $250, 000' "Do you care to ive any reasons why you gave so large a sum as $250,000?" asked Senator Jones. "I was very active in the nomina tion," began Mr. Belmont, "and had been selected to servo on the com mittee, so when funds did not come in I just contributed. I never in tended to make any such contribu tion, but when deficits arose I con tributed." He was asked if he had any under standing of reward from Judge Parker, the presidential candidate. "From the very outset Judge Par ker was a free and independent man and remained so." "Did you expect any favors?" "On the contrary. Judge Parker understood from me that there would be nothing I could accept. I was very much interested in tho cam paign and gave purely as .a demo crat." "Nor did you expect to have any special legislation?" Senator Payn ter asked. "None whatever. There was no interest with which I was connected that could be helped by special legis lation." "Before your day, you had the example of a father who was a liberal campaign contributor, did you not?" asked Senator Paynter. "I did. I remember as a hoy at tending the convention of 1868." Mr. Belmont was unable to give an accurate estimate of the total of the funds at the disposal of tho demo cratic national committee in 1904. When Senator Clapp asked if it were a million dollars he "guessed" It was not more than $600,000 or $700,000. "I never asked for the specific amount," added Mr. Belmont by way of explanation. "You see, these things are not conducted like a busi ness concern. Keeping accounts is expensive, and I doubt if any com mittee ever did It "before It was -under obligation to do so." . Mr.' Belmont produced a memoran dum showing Ihat on March 26, 1906, $447.30. was turned over to him as the remnant of tlfo demo cratic war funds. Mr. Bolmont had then been selected as treasurer of tho national committee. Ho dis bursed $28, leaving $419.30, which ho turned over January 18, 1908, to W. H. O'Brien, treasurer for the presidential fight. When asked if ho could romembor any contributions from individuals or corporations, Mr. Belmont replied thero woro nono from corporations. "Any from individuals for cor porations?" asked Senator Clapp. "No Yes," replied the witness. "From whom?" insisted Senator Senator Clapp. "Henry Havomoyor, but it was re turned. It was obtained I won't say who obtained it anyway, it came in, Later it was rejected and that contribution was returned as undesirable." Mr. Belmont estimated tho Havo moyor contribution at $10,000. Ho recalled that ho had asked Morton V. Plant for a contribution and got "probably $2,500." "Did you solicit money from your friends and acquaintances?" asked Senator Clapp. "Some, yes." Mr. Belmont mentioned Mr. Freed man, ono of "my directors on the Interboro," Dolancy Nicoll and a Mr. Auerbach, as men whom ho had asked to contribute. Ho said Wall street gave little. "Who was tho most activo in rais ing funds?" tho chairman asked. "Oh, that is a thing no ono de votes all his timo to," was the re ply. "Assigning speakers and dis tributing literature is the great work. Every democrat was supposed to con trfbuto."r'' After telling tho committee ho was unablo to givo any information of tho whereabouts of Charles Hall, assis tant treasurer of the democratic c6m mittee in 1904, Mr. Bolmont was excused. A scahelisss SCARECROW After Mr. Bryan's remarkable speech in tho Baltimore convention Saturday afternoon, a delegate of Oklahoma named Giddings, said: "I never scratched a democratic ticket In my life. Can tho gentle man from Nebraska say the same?" Tho question was intended as a scorching reference to Mr. Bryan, not alone for his implication of indepen dence in the speech he had just made, b'u-t also for his fight some timo ago on Mayor Dahlman of Omaha. And guess who applauded the plea for "yellow dog regularity" of the delegate of Oklahoma. Tammany, of course. Tammany, whoso bosses, with their masters of Wall street, know no party lines except to try to fool tho plain people vith them; Tammany, which stands for precisely the same thing In American politics that Barnes and Penrose and Lori mer stand for within tho republican machine. But that appeal for regularity without regard to principle has no meaning now for tho great masses of the American people. They have found it out as the old scarecrow of the Interests that work for Barnes and Penrose and Tammany. Kansas City Star. A MATTER OF NAVIES "What Is the difference between pommo de terro and potato?" "About two dollars." Harvard Lampoon. AND WE PAY Knicker "Which end of a cow gets up first?" m I , . Butcherrr mil rises- at -bnce."- iNew Yorkf'' 'W $ FARM ENQIME SENSATION cw!. wjih iim "W "60 SPEED" !i?..r . nKfflliP PIGIIF muim jramrf mill r0 tp04l. UrHJUUrll. LHUinb A frmr'i power bom on 1imIi Artnt WoU4 GILSflU MFO. CO. 22 Uric SI., POUT WIIHU0T0K, WW. 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