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A SINGLE TERM
Resolutions havo been introduced in both
flonnto and houso submitting an amendment
limiting the president to a single term. They,
should receive unanimous support. Eighteen
years ago Mr. Bryan introduced such a resolu
tion. It read as follows:
"Fifty-third CongresH, third session, House
Resolution 234. In the House of Representa
tives, December G, 1894. Referred to tho
committee on election of president and vice
president and representatives in congress and
ordered to bo printed. Mr. Bryan introduced
tho following joint resolution:
"Proposing an amendment to the constitution
making tho president ineligible to a socond
term.
"Resolvod by tho senate and house of repre
sentatives of tho United States of America
iBSomblod (two-thirds of eacfc house concurring
therein), that the following amendment bo pro
posed to the legislatures of tho sovoral states,
which, when ratified by three-fourths of said
. legislatures, shall become and bo a part of tho
sonetitution of tho United States, namely:
That section ono of article two of the constitu
tion bo amended by adding after the words
'neither shall any person be eligible to that
office who shall not have attained to the ago of
thirty-fivot.ycars, and been fourteen years a
resident -within tho United States' the words,
'No person once elected to tho presidency shall
bo thereafter eligible to election to that office.' "
Some prefer a six-year term in fact, con
siderable work has been done in favor of a
single term of six years. A four-year term is
long enough long enough for a good presi
dent and too long for a bad one but a six
year term with a provision making the presi
dent ineligible to re-election would be better
than tho present system. Now, a president
claims a second term as an indorsement of his
first term and feels that he has been repudiated
if a second term is denied him. So strong is
tho pressure brought by friends that some of
our presidents havo run a second time in spite
of the arguments they have themselves ad
vanced in favor of a single term.
If a president is looking forward to a second
term it is next to impossible not to use the first
term as a means of getting the second. Tho
pressure of ambition and self-interest on tho
mind must bo taken into consideration. The
country Is entitled to the best service that a
president can render, and frail human nature
Is weak enough when strongest. One entrusted
with tho enormous power given Into the hands
of a president ought to consecrate himself to
his country's service with no selfish interest
to blind his eyes or pervert his judgment.
Tho present threat of a third term ought
to hasten the submission of an amend
ment limiting the presidont to a single term
preferably to a four-year term, but to a six-year
term at most.
The Commoner
REJOICE! REJOICE!! REJOICE!!!
Monday, May 13, 1912, will bo a red letter
day for this congress. On that day the house
receded from its disagreement and accepted the
Bristow amendment to the house resolution sub
mitting a constitutional amendment providing
for the election of United States senators by
direct vote of the people. The house preferred
the amendment as it passed the house but ac
cepted the change made by the senate rather
than permit the opponents of the amendment to
defeat it. The details of the figlrt will be dis
cussed in next week's Commoner. Publication
is delayed to make this announcement this
week. The most important plank in the plat
form of 1908 is thus carried out and an epoch
making reform is ushered in. The states will
vie with each other in their haste to ratify it.
Tho democrats havo reason to be happy; the
nation should rejoice.
A GOOD APPOINTMENT
President Taft has made no mistake in select
ing Miss Julia C. Lathrop of Chicago for chief
of the children's bureau. If all his appoint
ments had been as good his administration
would havo escaped much criticism.
Speaking of Miss Lathrop, Mrs. LaFollette,
writing in her husband's paper, says: "Tho
appointment of Miss Julia Lathrop of Hull
House, Chicago, as head of tho now children's
bureau should set at rest any fears that have
been entertained with reference to the scope of
tho work of the bureau or to its efficiency or
dignity. The chief objection that was raised
to its establishment was on tho ground that all
matters pertaining to tho welfare of children
could be handled by existing bureaus and in cer
tain quarters there was a disposition to fear
that because there was supposedly not enough
for it to do and because it was to deal with child
lifo, an undesirable sentimentality might creep
into its policies and administration. But with
Miss Lathrop at tho head there is no danger that
the scope of its investigations will be narrow
or its standards low.
"Miss Lathrop is a woman of great intellec
tual vigor who has chosen as her field of in
terest and investigation, as well as of active
labor, tho administration of public charities.
She graduated from Vassar college in 1880, and
was recently chosen alumna trustee of that in
stitution. She has been a resident of Hull
House almost from tho time of its beginning in
1889, and was for several years on the Illinois
stato board of charities. By travel and study
she has made herself familiar with the adminis
tration of public charities in all parts of the
world. She has never, however, failed to look
behind conditions for causes. The scientific
attitude of her mind with reference to depen
dency was well illustrated in an article written
not long ago for the Survey (September 3,
1910) in which she urged that the records of
public institutions be more carefully kept in
order that they might throw light upon the de
bated subject of tho relation between depen
dency in the child and the character of the occu
pation of the parent. This desire to study causes
combined with her mental vigor, her natural
sympathies, and her wide experience qualifies
her exceptionally for the new work which must
of necessity be largely investigational."
VOLUME 12, NUMBER 19
THE EMPLOYE'S COMPENSATION BILL
There are certain suspicious features about
the employes compensation bill which justify
the democrats in examining it very closely, in
the first place it received tho support of those
republicans in the senate who are, not in tho
habit of supporting anything really beneficial to
the working men. That in itself ought to put
democrats on their guard. The fact that it
substitutes the compensation provided in the
bill for all local compensation compels the em
ploye to accept it even where the local law might
be more favorable to him. Why make it a
substitute? Why not leave it optional with the
employe to decide whether he will take ad
vantage of the local laWor avail himself of the
national law? The fact that it is called an em
ployes' compensation bill suggests that it is in
the interests of the employes but a law that
deprives the employe of more favorable local
laws is not in his interest but in the interest of
the employer. The employe ought to be given
the option. It is hardly fair to force upon him
as a national statute a law less favorable than
he now enjoys in some of the states. Democrats
can afford to vote against the bill in its present
form if they can not secure an amendment which
will protect the interests of the employes.
THREE-FOURTHS VERDICTS IN CIVIL CASES
In 1894 Mr. Bryan introduced in congress the
following bill: "Fifty-third congress, second
session, Houso Roll No. 5983. In tho house of
representatives, February 26, 1894. Referred
to the committee on the judiciary and ordered
to be printed. Mr. Bryan introduced the follow
ing bill: A bill to amend section eight hundred
of revised statutes of United States of eighteen
hundred and seventy-eight, and so forth. Be
it enacted by the senate and house of represen
tatives of the United States of America in con
gress assembled, That section eight hundred of
the revised statutes of the United StateB of
America of eighteen hundred and seventy-eight
be amended by adding thereto the words: 'In
civil cases the verdict of three-fourths of the
jurors constituting the jury shall stand as the
verdict of the jury, and such a verdict shall have
the same force" and effect as a unanimous
verdict.' " n
Mr. Bryan urged this reform in speaking be
fore tbe constitutional conventions of Okla
home and Ohio.
Time has vindicated the idea and it is again
being considered in congress. It is right and
will come some day. Why not now?
PITY, ALAS, 'TIS TRUE
It grieves The Commoner to see its republi
can friends quarreling over the presidency.
Hero we find that old harmony loving republican
paper, the St. Louis Globe-Democrat saying:
"It used to be the fashion to tell the little
boy that he might some tfane be president, but
ho knows that so long as the colonel lives he
can never get it without a fight."
It would seem that the differences in the re
publican party are 'past healing what a dif
ference between this sad condition and tho per
fect harmony prevailing in the grand old party
of Jefferson and Jackson.
ANOTHER REFORM
Congressman Clayton of Alabama has intro
duced a bill, providing that in civil cases in
federal courts three-four.ths of the jury member
ship may return tho verdict, and it has been re
ferred to the committee of which he is chair
man. It will doubtlesB be favorably reported,
and it is likely that it will pass the houso be
fore congress adjourns. The three-fourths ver
dict in civil cases provided in Mr. Clayton's bill
has been embodied in the new constitution of
Ohio and also in Oklahoma's constitution.
1908-1912
(To be read in alternate ilnes.)
Taft is a grand and noble man,
He's far too dull and meek;
He'll carry out the Roosevelt plan,
Would he were not so weak!
A man of probity and worth,
For him I deeply grieve;
He is the very salt of earth;
Oh, why should he deceive?
He is and has been from his youth
In ethics very lax
A man of honor and of truth,
Who never states the facts.
Him corporations can not swerve,
Wall street and he intrigue;
Your confidence he will deserve,
With Lorimer in league.
I've tested him, he's stood the test '
See how he prosecutes! ';$'
To take my place he is the best; 'r.-
They're only fakes, those suits. -The
one man that my shoes can 'fill,
A man made out of straws;
My loyal friend', my dearest Will
A traitor to my cause.
I'll vouch for him through thick and thin.
Him too the bosses laud;
So vote for him and put him in;
Ho stands for all their fraud.
No reason you should not agree
His policies are daft.
For you'll take Taft or you'll take me!
Take me, take me not Taft!
New York World.
I'D RATHER BE A CRAWFISn
I don't believe in backing up,
Somehow, it seems to me,
It's always best to move ahead,
From where we used to be;
But when it comes to standing still,
I'll tell you what's the matter
I'd rather be a crawfish, than
A durned "Standpatter."
They're always quoting Washington,
And shedding salty tears,
About the good old-fashioned days,
Way back a hundred years,
When their folks lived on Johnnycake,
And sopped it in the platter
I'd rather bo a crawfish, than
A durned "Standpatter."
Yes, any time, they'd rather have,
A good old tallow dip;
For all your gas and 'lectric lights,
They wouldn't give a rip.
They much prefer an ox-cart, to
An auto's speed and clatter "'
I'd rather be a crawfish, than
A durned "Standpatter."
N.
If you want to hear 'em bellow,
If you want to hear 'em bawl,
All you need to do is mention,
Referendum, or Recall;
Like a cage of frightened monkeys, -They'll
begin to squeal and ch'atter
. I'd rather be a crawfish, than
A durned "Standpatter."
J. Elmer French.