1 - J."
The Commoner.
KA.T J, lilt
5
Jefferson Day Banquet Given by the New York
Democratic Club
Address of Mr. Bryan, delivered at tlie Jeffer
eon day banquet In the Waldorf-Astoria, on
April 13, 1912.
Mr. President, Distinguished Guests, Ladies
and Gentlemen: This banquet has to me been
a rare treat. I have enjoyed with you the
speeches so appropriate to the occasion. How
fitting that Thomas Jefferson should be pre
sented as so splendid a character to an audience
like this. I know of no other man produced in
our country's history whose example is more
needed today to inspire our people to duty. Just
at this time we can, possibly more fittingly than
at any previous time, celebrate his work and
revere his memory, for there has been no period
of the world's history since Jefferson lived
when his ideals were growing more rapidly than
they are today. Around this world the ideals
of Thomas Jefferson are marching triumphant,
and nowhere more than in our own beloved
land. And, if I mistake not what is going on
in this country, Thomas Jefferson is finding
more followers today more men following in
his footsteps than ever before.
Thomas Jefferson was born an aristocrat. Ho
became our nation's first great democrat, and
in his change he typified the change the world
is witnessing; for aristocracy is passing away
and democracy is coming into her own. There
is not a land upon God's footstool in which
the power of the people is not growing; not a
country on this earth where the forces of privi
lege are not retreating. This is a time to think
of Jefferson and the work he did.
Today the learned men are finding less and
less satisfaction in contemplating their superi
ority over those less educated. The feeling of
brotherhood is growing, and the increasing
' multitude coming from our schools and colleges
are ceasing to look down upon those who used
to be called ignorant; they are taking their
place among them and bidding them look up to
something better. In one of the guests tonight
we see an illustration of tbese changing times,
and I trust that he will be but the forerunner
of the larger army of educated men who recog
nize that the heart controls; that out of it are
the issues of life.
Thomas Jefferson was a rich man for his day
but he was the champion of the poor, and
today we find the altruistic spirit growing and
more and more men like Jefferson who are link
ing themselves with the struggling masses and
helping them in their struggle for better things.
This is one of the characteristics of this
period. It. is well that we assemble here tonight
and consider this great character. Are there
hero thoso who have leaned toward aristocracy
and thought that some were made of a superior
kind of clay? Are they bringing up their boys
and girls to look down with disdain upon" thoso
who toil? Let them learn that this boy, reared
in an aristocratic home won a place in the
world's history that no child can ever aspire to
who does not learn that he is one and only one
among God's people. Are there any herb who
have thought that wealth measured their im
portance? What millionaire today but would
change his wealth for the assurance that he
would be loved by generations that would come
after him? Jefferson, by the spread of his
fame and name, and by the impress that he has
made, teaches us all a lesson how much more
valuable, aye, how above all price are these
fundamental virtues that distinguish man from
mere possessions!
I am glad to celebrate this day in New York.
I have been here before (laughter) but never
under such favorable conditions, (laughter)
One of the speakers has told us what Jefferson
would say if he were here. I am glad he said
what he did, for they used to drive me from
your precincts because I said less in criticism
of courts. It is gratifying to me that they have
put at the head of this great city a man who is
not so conservative as I am in the expression of
opinion; but I am glad to indorse what he says.
And to hear them talk of him for president?
What a change, oh what a change in New York!
'And then we heard of what Jefferson would
do, and again I was delighted and instructed.
With these two radicals to precede me, how
could you reject my speech tonight? And is
this the east? (great laughter) Am I alive?
'(great laughter) Or is this a dream? (laughter)
The new east! Mayor Gaynor suggests, (great
hand clapping) With these two speeches In Now
York and Roosevelt carrying Pennsylvania by
two to one, what's coming, my friends? Surely
the seed that Jofferson sowed Is at last bringing
forth fruit.
My subject Is, "Democratic Opportunity," but
after these speeches in regard to what Joffer
son would say and what Jefferson would do, I
feel like changing my subject and asking what
would the people hero do to Jefferson if ho
was among them? I know what they did to
mo when I tried to Imitate him. I know that
when I tried to imitate him, tried as best I
could and only mourned that I could not more
truly reflect his ideas on public questions, I
know what they did. I know that they allowed
your predatory interests to organize and stretch
out their larcenous hands over a nation, and
coerce people Into consenting to their enslave
ment in the interests of privilege.
I wonder what they would do to Jefferson if
he were here? And yet I glory in the fact that
those who oppose the doctrines of Jofferson can
only retard, not prevent, their growth, and the
triumphs of today that make us glad for what
has been accomplished, and hopeful as to future
triumphs, show how clearly the character of
Jefferson has been read and how well the wise
men of the past have known the real forces In
society. It was said by one who did not even
have the inspiration of residence in our own
land that thought is stronger than artillery
parks and at last moulds the world like soft
clay, and that back of thought is love. It is
true. Love is the great force In this world and
love for the people was the keynote of Jeffer
son's life and of his philosophy. It has been
said of him, aye, it has been said of all whoso
names have lived beyond their generation, that
the people loved him because ho first loved
them; it is love that is triumphing today over
the forces that have been arrayed against the
people and their rights.
I am grateful that God has spared my life
unto this day. I have lived to see more of
progress than I could have hoped to see even
though I have been sanguine all my life. I
have believed my father taught it to me while
I was yet a boy that God stands back of every
righteous cause and that His arm is strong
enough to bring victory to his side; but the
world has moved so slowly that one can hardly
be patient when he sees how long deception can
mislead and how long force can coerce. But
behold our party's position today triumphant in
its ideas even before it has been in possession
of the offices. What better evidence could wo
have of the Immortality of democracy than wo
have had in the fact that it has lived in spite
of all it had to overcome, and what higher
tribute could be paid to a party than to say of
it as it now must be said of our party that
in defeat it has dominated the opinion of a
nation?
Tell me that the republican party has been
in office? Yes, but the democratic party has
been in power. Tell me that republicans have
drawn the" salaries? Yes, but our party has
moulded opinion and led the way. And our
hopes of victory in November rest upon two
solid grounds. The first is the overwhelming
sentiment in favor of the things we have fought
for. The democratic party has been a militant
party for more than a decade and a half, and
what are the fruits of the struggle? We are
now upon the eve of the securing of the elec
tion of senators by direct vote of the people.
The democratic party began its fight for it some
twenty years ago and it has, within the last few
months passed the senate for the first time.
It passed the house six times before the senate
yielded to the popular will. It is now in con
ference between the two houses and soon it will
be submitted as an amendment, for I can not
doubt that the conference committee will find
some way of harmonizing the verbal differences
between the two resolutions; and when it comes
the greatest change in a century in our methods
of government will have been secured and the
United States senate, which has been the bul
wark of special privilege,, will then become the
servant of the people and responsive to the
people's will. I am glad that this Imperial state
of New York has at last a man there to fight for
the election of senators by the people, (great
applause) His predecessor, Senator Dopew, led
the last fight that was made against the popu
lar election of senators. I congratulate you that
the favor-seeking corporations of the state havo
lost a senator and that the pooplo havo won ono
in the person of Senator O'Gorman. (Groat
applause)
Not only la the United States senate to bocomo a
representative body, spoaklng for tho pcoplo
and not for thoso who tako advantage of thorn,
but whllo that fight has boon going on tho
people havo boon getting hotter control of their
party organizations. I remember that twenty
ono years ago when I was a candidato for con
gress wo did not oven havo tho Australian
ballot, and you could toll a polling placo half a
mllo off by tho crowd in front; you had to fight
your way through a gang of men paid to poddlo
tickets. Now elections aro so quiet that you
havo to get a policeman to show you whore tho
polling placo Is. After that reform was secured
wo still relied entirely upon tho conventions
and under them tho boss system grow up. Each
party would havo its boss. There was tho state
boss and a couiRy boss in each county; when a
convention was held tho state boss and tho
county bosses would get together and fix up a
slate and parcel tho ofllces out several tonus In
advanco and if tho pcoplo rose up against tho
boss, the boss of tho other party would como
and quell tho disturbance by assisting tho boss
of tho opposite party.
But the primary systom Is spreading ovor
tho country and tho people aro taking control of
party organizations, believing that If tho Decla
ration of Independence states tho truth when
it says that governments derivo their just
powers from tho consent of the governed, then
party organizations have no power which thoy
do not derive from tho vote of tho party.
Whether you like this or not does not mattor.
Whether you believe in tho primary or not you
can not prevent It. -You could send a Depew
down for a while to represent tho interests and
vote against the election of senators by tho
people, but after a while came an O'Gorman
who trusted the people; and so, for a while you
may stand In tho way of tho demand by tho
people for the control of their party organiza
tion but you can not stand against tho flood
long. Within two months two states have hold
special sessions of tho legislature In order to
pass laws, giving tho people the benefit of a
presidential preference primary, and although
I know my reputation as a prophet down horo
has been somewhat impaired I venture to pre
dict that before another presidential election
comes, the ago in which bosses will meet to
pick a president will havo passed and presidents
will be nominated by the people and be respon
sible to tho people. (Great applause.)
That's another reform, and the democratic
party is on tho side of it just as it is on tho
side x)f electing senators by tho people. Not
only that, but wo havo made progress In tho
purifying of politics. It was not many years
ago when a prominent senator said that purity
in politics was an irridescent dream. Well,
that was back when Wall street nominated both
tickets took a mortgage on both administra
tions and then said "They are both good men.
No matter which wins, the people lose." But
that day, too, has passed. When tho people
found where the sinews of war came from a
protest arose that could not be Ignored and a
law was passed making it a criminal offense for
any corporation tb contribute to a national cam
paign fund. Oh, my countrymen, if wo had
only that law in 1896! But that law was not
sufficient. The people demanded more and thoy
got- more. They demanded 'publicity as to in
dividual contributions, and in 1908 the ques
tion was not whether we should have publicity
wo got to a point whore publicity was then ad
mitted to be necessary but the question was
whether we should have it before tho election
or afterward. The republicans said AFTER
WARD, we said BEFORE, and they won, and a
law was passed providing for publicity after
the election, but before that law was three years
old it was replaced by a law providing for
publicity before election; and when the bill
passed the house not even a republican not
even a New York republican spoke against it,
and when the president signed it he signed a
bill repudiating everything that he and Mr.
Roosevelt had said on the subject in 1908.
That's how rapidly wo are going forward and wo
now have more than we asked for in 1908. So
rapidly is public sentiment moving that the
senate improved the bill, the democratic house
passed and put a limitation of $10,000 on a
senator's expenditures and $5,000 on a congress
man's expenditures, and if you think that does
not mean anything, read the vote the other day
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