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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (April 5, 1912)
K?w"ftiww'viQiFjQQ$i!!if '''i,'j p" - -.. fc-f-rA' I !j APRIL 5, 1912 will play. There will be no poor to feel insecure because of the idle rich, and no idle rich to feel insecure because of the poor. To day there are some who fear that such a condition would level humanity downward to a state of common dullness. It is the present system which levels downward. Much labor at machines creates in the laboring class a common condi tion of weakness and misery. In dolence among some of the idle rich, and unnecessary nerve-racking labor among those who greedily seek to acquire more .wealth, levels these two divisions of the claqp down to a condition of mental inaptness and physical and moral disorder. ' These conditions are what Matthew Arnold had in mind when he said that "The English upper classes are materialized, the middle class vulgarized, and the lower class brutalized." The future, where it levels, will level upward. Human life demands growth through labor as well as growth through rest and leisure. Economic duties and economic rights - must go - hand in hand. The future will be the age of the individual. This is the purpose and the final goal of democracy. Of one thing we may feel absolu tely certain. The horrors about us which dog our footsteps in the streets and haunt our dreams, these will be abolished. Poverty is a social crime, and crime in this age results from intellectual and moral poverty. Disease is also a social product. To just how great an extent it is caused by starvation on the one hand, and over-indulgence on the other, it may bo impossible to determine, but it is considerable. International war is becoming a thing of the past. It is being abolished by the evolution of indus trial society. Remove from interna tional relationships the struggle for markets and war will be no more. These social horrors which give infi nite pain to all but the brutal minded are about to follow burnt offerings, belief in witchcraft, slavery and re ligious bigotry into a past which a humanized future must look back upon as mythical. To dignify humanity we must dig nify the humblest member of the state. That all may grow, each must grow. That each may have rights all must be willing to grant rights to each. The society of the future will undoubtedly protect many newly de veloped individual rights which the present would consider license. The machine process is freeing men from slavery to the soil; law will free men from slavery to one another. "Who of the idle rich can fail to realize that this consummation is more to be desired than all that the world of the present has to offer? Will any be so unfortunate as to deny himself the high privilege of marching willingly and gladly for ward to the early realization of human brotherhood? May the impending crisis be a crisis only in so far as the mind of the few gives way before the mind of the many. May the passing of the idle rich be a social movement be fitting a class composed of persons who are "baffled to fight better." May its members move onward and upward with the great forces which are transforming the world. The Commoner. 11 The state of New York has author ized the expenditure of $60,000 for the purchase and equipment of a 600-acre farm to aid in solving the vagrant and tramp problem in that commonwealth. Experts have esti mated that the cost of maintaining 20,000 tramps and vagrants is $2, 000,000 annually. Ex. The four principal corn growing countries are the United States, Ar gentine, Hungary and Italy. Ex. MR. MOORE'S REPLY Omaha, Neb., March 27. Hon. W. J. Bryan, Lincoln, Neb. Dear Sir: I have before me what purports to be an abstract of an open letter given out by you in reply to mine of the 22d inst. 1 am reasonably grateful for your disclaimer that you have ever accused Governor Har mon of being a tool of Wall street. I note that, having been directly challenged, all you have now to charge in this regard is that he has Wall street support; that for years he was attorney for corporations in which Pierpont Morgan is interested; that he did not support you in 1896; that Wall street papers are now sup porting him, and that he is, there fore, a reactionary. In reaching your conclusion you choose wholly to ignore his record as attorney general, as special prosecutor in the rebate cases, as governor of Ohio, and his appearance now, in behalf of the states, in therato cases against these same interests, pending in the su preme court. You also ignore the fact that the governors of more than a score of states selected him to make this important fight because of his well known views on the question of railroad regulation as well as on account of his commanding position as a lawyer. I challenge you on the facts. Your premises are as much at fault as your conclusion. I assert that not for twenty years before his electron as governor has Governor Harmon represented, as attorney, any corporation controlled by the Morgan interests. You assert that the Wall street papers are supporting Mr. Harmon. I wish you would name them. If any paper can be so styled it is the New York Evening Post. It is sup porting Mr. Wilson. For years you have denounced the New York World as tho spokesman of the interests. It also is supporting Mr. Wilson. The remaining New York papers, while some of them are treating Governor Harmon fairly as they should do, are not supporting him. The favor in which a presidential candidate is held in Wall street may be judged by the size of his campaign fund. It is a matter of common knowledge that, as Henry Watterson lately said, Mr. Wilson, your pre ferred candidate, has "a campaign fund unequaled since the days of Mark Hanna." More money is being expended in his interest than in be half of all the other candidates com bined. I affirm that Mr. Harmon is not the candidate of Wall or any other street. He is the candidate of the farmers, the laboring men and the middle-class business men of this country. If he were Wall streets candidate, Governor Harmon's cam paign would not be eo seriously ham pered for tho lack of necessary funds as it is at the present time. Mr. Wil son's campaign is not suffering any i, ?inrmiroTi0nffi. In this connec- tion I again call your attention to the fact that Harvey Garber, the chief opponent of Governor Harmon in Ohio, has been for twenty years, and still is, the legislative lobbyist and agent of tho telephone trust, one of the big Morgan interests. You charge that Governc Harmon failed to support you in 1896. In 1900 and 1908, he gave you, as you know, his loyal and enthusiastic sup port. In the first named year he pre sided over your Cincinnati meeting. In tho latter year you campaigned Ohio with him, and he repeatedly said that your own election was more important than his own. And at your urgent request he left his own cam naicn to go to New York, the great pivotal state, to speak in your be- haYou say that in 1901 Governor Harmon was a leader in the move ment organized in Ohio and through out the country to turn the party back to Wall street. This charge is utterly false. I defy you to point to one act or utterance of Governor Harmon's to justify such a state ment. So, too, as to your charge that in 1904 Governor Harmon helped to nominate Parker. Governor Harmon was himself a candidate in 1904. Tho Ohio delegation, believing that it was utterly impossible to secure his nomination, did not present his! name. The delegation then divided upon the question of supporting Par ker, twenty-one members, including myself, voting against him. The re maining twenty-five followed the lead of the southern democrats and voted for him, voting the whole delegation under the unit rule. You know this, as I challenged the vote in the convention, and the delegation was polled. Governor Harmon had absolutely nothing to do with the manner in which tho delegation voted. But if this is the source of your pique against Governor Harmon what about your candidate? Gover nor Harmon was the only member of Cleveland's cabinet who never lifted his voice against you in 1896, while Mr. Wilson openly opposed you, both in that campaign and in 1900, and the only evidence that he even voted for you in 1908 rests upon his own assertion. As late as 1907 Mr. Wil son read "with relish and entire agreement" the reactionary speech of Adrain H. Joline, the vice presi dent of the M. K. & T. railroad, to his board of directors, wherein you and other democratic democrats were referred to as "unthinking dema gogues," and Governor Wilson then expressed the hope that some means might be found of "knocking Mr. Bryan into a cocked hat." I also note your reported taunt with reference to the character of Governor Harmon's support in Ne braska. In view of what I have learned of the character of that sup port I can not but think that this taunt in unworthy of you. As in Ohio, so in Nebraska, the supporters of Governor Harmon number those who in three campaigns were your most ardent and unselfish supporters. As in Ohio, so also in Nebraska I find that those who are most bitter in their opposition to Governor Har mon, and most ardent in their sup port of Prof. Wilson, like that gentle man himself, have in the past been numbered among your enemies. In my visit to Nebraska I have talked to no supporter f Governor Har mon who was not, in three cam paigns, been your loyal adherent. Yours truly, E. H. MOORE. Packer, Pulver izer, IVSuichcr 3 Machines in 1 INCREfkSt ILL YOUR CROPS SO to lOOft jfr ?Jtem-jjji?? " 'J . w To rack find nulvcrlzo thepved Iwd unci kcop n. Iiwiw. intilf.li nn inn to retain the lunlsturo loos Important ma to row and to pUnt Tio Western l.ntttl Roller Will Do It Ml. V re-ll direct to von. Krco Circular elves des cription, price Hut and testimonials. 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Mr. Bryan has reason to feel proud and happy over the splendid testi monials paid him by tho democracy of the state and by his friends and neighbors, some of them republicans, in the yearly banquets in his honor. Last night's gathering was of un usual interest, as it brought together upon the toast list six men from dif ferent sections of the country, men whose names have been written, for the most part, in the history of the nation. The mad partisanship of the old days that kept Mr. Bryan from obtaining from a large portion of the people of his home city the willing acknowledgement of his merit and his intellectual brilliancy has passed away. Those who once called him an agitator now speak of him as an advocate, many who once referred to him as a boy orator now embrace every opportunity to place them selves under the spell of the splendid eloquence that, combined with a fidelity to principle and a power of plain speech, earns him a hearing and a following wherever he goes. 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