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The Commoner
Theodore Roosevelt's Columbus Speech
eal life. Bnt theso principles themselves aro
to their essence applicable everywhere and of
some of them I shall speak to you. I can not
the time 100 muui-u, " " - - ,
o know my views of theso matters which I do
not today discuss, 1 will gladly send 1 him a copy
Thoodoro Roosevelt is now a candidate for
tho republican nomination for the presidency.
Following is an Associated Press dispatch con
cerning his Columbus, Ohio, speech:
Columbus, 0., Fob. 21. Declaring for tho
pooplo's powor, so far as tho initiative and
referendum is concerned, although ho wanted
lta oxorciso protected by "proper restrictions,"
Colonol Roosovolt today took tho most progres
sive stand of his career. Ho also told the Ohio
constitutional convention, before which ho pro
Bontod his "charter of democracy," that, al
though originally opposed to tho recall, ho now
bollcvod it also should bo within the power of
tho people Ho qualified the rocall for judges
by suggesting what ho said was a better plan
and avoided all roforence to tho tariff and cer
tain other national issues by saying that ho
stood today exactly where ho stood a year ago
on such mattors.
"Tho powor to invoke direct action, by both
lnitiativo and roforondum," said Roosevelt,
"should bo provided for tho pooplo In such
fashion as to provont its being wantonly or too
frequently usod. In tho great majority of cases
It is far bottor that action on legislative mattors
should bo taken by thoso specially dologated to
perform tho task. Action by the initiative or
roferendum ought not to bo tho normal way of
legislation; but tho power to tako it should
bo provided In tho constitution; that If the rep
resentatives tmly fall to represent tho peoplo
on some mattor of sufficient Importance to
arouso popular interest, then tho people will
have in their hands tho facilities to make good
that failure."
This reference came as tho climax of an elo
quent appeal for increased power for the voter,
who, the colonel said, should ho given un
abridged power of direct nominations, Includ
ing thorein direct preferential primaries tor the
oloction of delegates to tho national nominating
conventions. In this connection some of his
hearers saw a barbed reference tb tho present
situation In his party, when Roosevelt said:
"As good citizens we aro willing to acquiesce
cheerfully In a nomination secured by the ex
pression of a majority of the peoplo, but do
not like to acquiesco in a nomination secured by
adroit polIUcal management In defeating tho
wish of tho majority of the people."
So far as tho recall is concerned, the colonel
said that there exists no great necessity for it
"as regards short term elective officers." How
ovor, after consideration, he said, ho "believes
It should bo generally provided, but with such
restrictions as will make it available only when
thoro is a widespread and gonulne public feel
ing among a majority of tho voters."
In its application to judges, Roosevelt believed
there was a bettor remedy than the recall and
that was giving tho peoplo as a whole the power
to decide what they wanted in the way of laws.
PEOPLE HAVE RIGHT TO DECIDE
"Legislators and judges alike are the servants
of the people," ho said, "and if two sets of public
servants disagree as to tho amount of power
delegated to them by tho people under the con
stitution and, if the case is of sufficient impor
tance, thon, as a matter of courso, it should bo
the right of the peoplo themselves to decide
between them."
fols -president's address, in full, was as
"Mr. President, and Members of the Ohio
constitutional convention:
"I am profoundly sensible of the honor you
havo done me in asking me to address you You
aro engaged in tho fundamental work of self
government; you aro engaged in framing a con
stitution under and in accordance with which
the peoplo are to got and to do justice and
absolutely to rule themselves. No rep esenta
tlvo body can havo a higher task. To carry it
through successfully there is need to combine
practical common sense of the most hard-headed
kind with a spirit of lofty Idealism Without
idealism your work will be but a sordid make
shift; and without tho hard-headed eoSmnn
than0 wastedall8m WU1 b Cither
of l&P IttZ rZ?t "utter.
SS. l$tg- l0Cal tomBrSdhabS of
thought, different from thoso of othor nnm
monwealths; and each must therefo?o apply 7n
its own fashion the great principles of our poiiti-
not today qibcubs, i wm By "-----.. .-L
of tho speeches I matte in iaiu, wmv;u "
cover most of tho ground.
"I believe in pure democracy. With Lincoln,
I hold that 'this country, with Its Institutions,
belongs to the people who Inhabit it. Whenever
they shall grow weary of the existing govern
ment, they can exercise their constitutional right
of amending it' We progressives believe that
the peoplo have tho right, tho power, and the
duty to protect themselves and their own wel
fare; that human rights aro supreme over all
other rights; that wealth should be-the servant,
not the master, of tho peoplo. We believe that
unless representative government does abso
lutely represent the people it is not representa
tive government at all. Wo test the worth of
all men and all measures by asking how they
contribute to the welfaro of the men, women,
and children of whom this nation is composed.
We are engaged in one of the great battles of
the age-long contest waged against privilege on
behalf of tho common welfare. We hold it a
prime duty of the peoplo to free our government
from the control of money in politics. For this
purpose we advocate, not as ends in themselves,
but as weapons in the hands of the people all
governmental devices which will make the rep
resentatives of the people more easily and cer
tainly responsible to the people's will.
COUNTRY BELONGS TO PEOPLE
"This country, as Lincoln said, belongs to
the people. So do the natural resources which
make it rich. They supply tho basis of our
prosperity now and hereafter. In preserving
them, which Is a national duty, we must not
forget that monopoly is based on the control of
natural resources and natural advantages, and
that it will help the people little to conserve
our natural wealth unless the benefits which
it can yield aro secured to the people. Let us
remember, also, that conservation does not stop
with tho natural resources, but that the principle
of making tho best use of all we havo requires
with equal or greater insistence that we shall
stop the waste of human life in industry and
prevent the waste of human welfaro which flows
from tho unfair use of concentrated power and
wealth In the hands of men whose eagerness
for profit blinds them to the cost of what they
do. Wo have no higher duty than to promote
tho efficiency of the individual. There is no
surer road to the efficiency of the nation.
"I am emphatically a believer In constitution
alism, and because of this fact I no less emphati
cally protest against any theory that would
make of the constitution a means of thwarting
Instead of securing the absolute right of tho
people to rule themselves and to provide for
their own social and industrial well-being All
?wl JT' th.?8e of th0 states no less than
those of the nation, are designed, and must bo
SihS ?? anid adn?inIstered. so as to fit human
rights Lincoln so interpreted and administered
the national constitution. Buchanan attempted
the reverse, attempted to fit human rights to
and limit them by, the constitution It was
Buchanan who treated the courts as a fet7sh
who protested against and condemned all crlti-
Sil? f th6 iUdges for unjU8t and unrighteous
decisions, and upheld the constitution as an in
Btrument for the protection of privUege and of
vested wrong. It was Lincoln who appealed ?o
the : people against the judges when To judges
went wrong, who advocated and secured wK
was practically tho recall of the Dred "scottS
llv S rd W,b0 treated tte constitution "as t
living force for righteousness. Wo stand for
applying tho constitution to the issues of tJl
as Lincoln applied it to the issues of h s d ay?
In1coln. mind you. and not Buchanan was tho
EASY OF AMENDMENT
tice as betweenman an man'by' meaTo?
uino popular self-government VSUfi
VOLUME 12, NUMBER j
tlon is successfully Invoked to nullify th0 effort
to remedy Injustice, it is proof positive either that
tho constitution needs immediate amendment
or else that it is being wrongfully and improper
ly construed.- I therefore very earnestly ask
you clearly to provide in this constitution means
which will enable the people readily to amend
it if at any point it works injustice, and also
means which will permit the people themselves
by popular vote, after due deliberation and dis
cussion, but finally and without appeal, to settle
what the proper construction of any constitu
tional point Is. It is often said that oura Is a
government of checks and balances. But this
should only mean that these checks and balances
obtain as among the several different kinds of
representatives of the people judicial, execu
tive and legislative to whom tho people have
delegated certain portions of their power, it
does not mean that the people have parted with
their powor or can not resume it. The "division
of powers" is merely, the division among the
renresentatives of the Dowers delegated to thorn-
the term must not be held to mean that the
people have divided their power with their dele
gates. The power is the people's, and only tho
people's. It is right and proper that provision
should be made rendering it necessary for the
people to take amplo time to make up their
minds on any point; but there should also ho
complete provision to have their decision put
Into immediate and living effect when it has
thus been deliberately and definitely reached.
THWARTING THE PEOPLE
"I hold it to be the duty of every public ser
vant, and of every man who in public or private
life holds a position of leadership in thought or
action, to endeavor honestly and fearlessly to
guide his fellow-countrymen to right decisions,
but I emphatically dissent from the view that
it is either wise or necessary to try to devise
methods which under the constitution will auto
matically prevent the people from deciding for
themselves what governmental action they deem
Just and proper. It is impossible to invent con
stitutional devices which will prevent the popu
lar will from being effective for wrong without
also preventing it from being effective for right.
The only safe course to follow in this great
American democracy is to provide for making
the popular judgment really effective. When
this is done, then it is our duty to see that the
people, having the full power, realize their heavy
responsibility for exercising that power aright.
But it is a false constitutionalism, a false states
manship, to endeavor by the exercise of a per
verted ingenuity to seem to give the people full
power and at the same time to trick them on
of it. Yet this is precisely what is done in every
case where the state permits representatives,
whether on the bench or in the legislature or in
the executive office, to declare that it has not
the power to right grave social wrongs, or that
any of the officers created by the people, and
rightfully tho servants of the people, can set
themselves up to be masters of the people. Constitution-makers
should make It clear beyond
shadow of doubt that the people in their legis
lative capacity have the power to enact into law
any measure they deem necessary for the better
ment of social and industrial conditions. The
wisdom of framing any particular law of this
kind is a proper subject of debate; but the power
of tho people to enact the law should not be sub
ject to debate. To hold the contrary view is
to be false to the cause of tho peop'e, to the
cause of American democracy.
"Lincoln, with his clear vision, his ingrained
sense of justice, and his spirit of kindly friend
liness to all, forecast our present struggle and
saw the way out. What he said should bo pon
dered by capitalist and workingman alike. Ho
spoke as follows (I condense):
'I hold that while man exists it is his duty
to improve not only his condition but to assist
in ameliorating mankind. Labor is prior to and
Independent of capital. Labor is the superior of
capital, and deserves much the higher considera
tion. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy
or protection as any other rights. Nor should
this lead to ft wnv nnnni.f-.r Trnnnrf.V is
the fruit of labor. Property is desirable, is a
positive good in tho world. Let not him who
is houseless pull down the house of another, but
let him work diligently and build one for him
SS i'i Ulus by example assuring that his own
nmi safo from violence when built.'
This last sentence characteristically shows
Lincoln's homely, kindly common sense. Ha
Is the attitude that we ought to tako. He
showed the proper sense of proportion in his
relative estimates of capital and labor, of human
rights and tho rights of wealth. Above all, in
what he thus said, as on so many other occa-
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