The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, March 01, 1912, Page 10, Image 10
1 k I Iii 1 - ,, m s io m - M BbTHSl' f n f..A- I' I let; lK m , m IJL' ! The Commoner. VOLUME 12, NUMBER 8 VJJ P UUTf line Mu&, 24 Pill yiA . 4unr:t I a !-sS53 r L tv fr buyi a i No prad' See These Ranges lf loar uceuer a ociure uujms lent henaemfe should taut to a printed dos-.ptioc la THEODORE ROOSEVELT'S COLUMBUS SPEECH (Continued from Page 7.) only by close .govermental super vision of all stocks, so as to prevent over-capitalization. RIGHTS OF MAN FIRST ed any other dealers in pay you to ransre. i uu are " J" " " " . """' - jTj I U J.-ni,fI TKr iri M. ranie on carta. iwn ya a vv r"w ,1 1j" naa.i . ,. nrlir every county in raw-w yw wm -c - "-; -,,-.-.,. u.. ?,. rfrrt.ra extra tea ilJ. if seed be. to aee and carelnlU examine en ufw We ; V"" ' ; vrSmarMe of any kmd. Yea don't bay a ransre every -. ? v,?7.3f; ind ?K& want the tJtyoor money can procure-on that Tnii bit a hie tus-tfcu 5 the XJWec QlSt ftf ftfC Baker- A Fuel Malleable and Saver Charcoal Iron stic Kane Outwears Three Ordinary Ranges The Majestic is the OHLY range made entirety of malleable iron and charcoal iron. Charcoal iron won't rvit like jf-raaI!eaLla Iron can't break. The Majestic a pat together with rivets joints and Kama ab.vluteiy air tight like an engine boilrr. Oven lined ita guar anteed pure asbestoe board, covered with an iron grate yoa can see if. o heat escapes cr eold air gets In. Injuring a dependable baking heat rrith half ike foe! required in ordaary rangea. All Copper Movable Reservoir Other Exclusive Features Reservoir in in direct contact with fire and heat3 like a tea kettle throngh a copper pocket stamped from one piece of copper a patented feature found enlyin the Majestic. Had an Oven Thermometer accurate, not sometimes, but all the time All dco?3 drop down and form rigid shelves. Open end ash pan ventilated ash pit ash cap that catches a3hs fcsSt. and preventa them from falling on noor. it s tne beat range at any price and sfiucua De If yoar kitchen. Write for otrr booklet. Range Comparison . i in j mim Maiofir Mrmnfnc-riiTTncr fVi .. f?3SSiM ri-c, rrr-X-r Uept. 145 ot. iuouis, mo, 1. H' 'JSS3 BARGAI for Limited Time to New or Renewing Subscribers N OFFER THE COMMONER m THRICE-A-WEEK NEW YORK WORLD, both One Year for Only One Dollar. Addres Order to THE COMMONER, Uncoh, Nebr Ba Nf. SfcSsasEssssR? tsw 4$Bam8fiSk& SSgSFKWWi HmW&"$ Ll'iv7dLofcwJtm. . i .J -U .'dAtAMSMtv. a -t .i. .T a I . l v WArff); 111 i WmMkh ill iiTi I iii i iT ' i I SI ! & m ?F7t "tif fc-VSn &T 1 iJ yss rovern- THE COJDIONER ment'0ted l0 the CaU5 of sood THE AMERICAN HOMESTEAD e yopuiar rarm monthly. and household THE HOUSEWIFE ,Avfutlfully Printed and illustrate All Three for 1 rf r i?" Year. PranJJ oh I .1 II ff &mim T... .. . rjS&iu5dLJwv5S tan,. f ono year Send remit. ftS tanc to The Commoner, Lincob, Neb 1 "We stand for the rights of prop ! erty, but we stand even more for the rights of man. We will protect tne rights of the wealthy man, but we maintain that he holds his wealth subject to the general right of the community to regulate his business use as the public welfare requires. "We also maintain that the nation and the several states have the right to resulate the terms and conditions of labor, which is the chief -element of wealth, directly in the interest of the common good. It is our prime duty to shape the industrial and social forces so that they may tell for the material and moral upbuild ing of the farmer and the wage worker, just as they should do in the case of the business man. You, framers of this constitution, be care ful so to frame It that under it the people shall leave themselves free to do whatever is necessary in order to help the farmers of the state to get for themselves and their wives and children not only the benefits of bet ter farming but also those of better conditions of life on the farm. Moreover, shape your constitu tional action so that the people will be able through their legislative bodies, or, failing that, by direct popular vote, to provide workmen's compensation acts, to regulate the hours of labor for children and for women, to provide for their safety while at work, and to prevent over work or work under unhygienic or unsafe conditions. See to it that no restrictions are placed upon legisla tive powers that will prevent the enactment of laws under which your people can promote the general wel fare, the common good. Thus only will the 'general welfare' clause of your constitution become a vital force for progress, instead of remain ing a mere phrase. This also applies to the police powers of the govern ment. Make it perfectly clear that on every point of this kind it is your intention tnat the people shall decide for themselves how far the laws to achieve their purposes shall go, and that their decision shall be binding .upon every citizen in the state, offi cial or non-official, unless, of course, ice supreme court or the nation in any given case decides otherwise. "So much for the ends of govern ment; and I have, of course, merely sketched in outline what the ends should be. Now for the machinery uj. mt:u tnese ends are to be achieved; and here again remember I only sketch in outline and do not for a moment pretend to work out in detail the methods of achieving your purposes. Let me at the outset urge upon you to remember that, while machinery is important, it is easy to overestimate its importance; and moreover, that each community has me aubuiuie ngnt to determine for itself what that machinr-v ch.u subject only to the fundamental law of the nation as expressed in the con stitution of the United States. Mas sachusetts has the right to have ap POilitIle3udse3 who rve during JS? beavi0rL SIlb3ect t0 removaf, aJnJS? bnt simple w i i tue two "uses of the legislature whenever the repre- natiV?S0f the pePle feel that the tS?8i fvhe pople recluIre such re moval. New York has the right to Se a long-term elective judiciary Ohio has tie right to have a short! term elective judiciary without the recall California, Oregon, and Ar zona have each and every onanf them the right to have I 20S M elective judiciary irtttoSn :??h5 v7, f ihe f0Ur stems I p for the Massachusetts one, If addition be made to It -as I hereinafter inrii cate; but that I merely my preference and neither I nor any one else within or without public life has the right to impose his preference upon any com munity when the question is as to how that community chooses to ar range for its executive, legislative, or judicial functions. But as you have invited me to address you here I will give you my views as to the kind of governmental machinery whih at this time and under existing social and Industrial conditions it seems to me that, as a people, we need FOR THE SHORT BALLOT In the first place, I believe in the short ballot. You can not get good service from the public servant if you can not see him, and there is no more effective way of hiding him than by mixing him up with a multi tude of others so that there are none of them important enough to catch the eye of the average, workaday citizen. The crook in public life is not ordinarily the man whom the people themselves elect directly to a highly important and responsible po sition. The type of boss who has made the name of politician odious rarely himself runs for high elective office; and if he does and is elected, the people have only themselves to blame. The professional politician and the professional lobbyist thrive most rankly under a system which provides a multitude of elective offi cers, of such divided responsibility and of such obscurity that the pub lic knows, and can know, but little as to their duties and the way they perform them. The people have nothing whatever to fear from giving any public servant power so long as they retain their own power to hold him accountable for his use of the power they have delegated to him You will get best service where you elect only a few men, and where each man has his definite duties and re sponsibilities, and is obliged to wor ; In the open, so that the people kne' who he is and what he is doing, ar.i have the information that will enable them to hold him to account for his stewardship. I believe in providing for direct nominations by the people, including therein direct preferential primaries for the election of delegates to the national nominating; conventions. Not as a matter of theory, but as a mat ter of plain and proved experience, we find that the convention system, while it often records the popular will, is also often used by adroit poli ticians as a method of thwarting the popular will. In other words, the existing machinery for nominations is cumbrous, and is not designed to secure the real expression of the popular desire. Now as good citi zens we are all of us. willing to acquiesce cheerfully in a nomination secured by the expression of a ma jority of the people, but we do not like to acquiesce in a nomination se cured by adroit political manage ment in defeating the wish of the majority of the people. "I believe in the election of United States senators -by direct vote. Just as actual experience convinced our people that presidents should be elected (as they now are in practice, although not in theory) by direct vote of the people instead of by direct vote through an untrammeled elec toral college, so actual experience has convinced U3 that senators should be elected by direct vote of the people instead of indirectly through the various legislatures. FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION "J believe In the initiative and the referendum, which should b used not to destroy representative government but to correct it when ever it becomes misrepresentative. Here again I am concerned not with theories but with actual facts. U in any state the people are then- U M... If,(I f in i -"v tmr.vai'iti-mnum-mwm. .