JBRUARY 2, 1912
7
The Commoner.
False Claims as to
Tho following editorial was printed in the
Cincinnati Enquirer: The enemies of progres
sive democracy, like the enemies of progres
sion in every form, are at their best in silence,
In darkness .and in ambuscade.
Intrigue is their weapon, cabal and combine
Is their method, and they dread the light, as is
natural with all evil things to fear the primal
creation of God.
Publicity. onliKhtenment of tli rfon1f nnnn
their dark ways and sinister renrflseiitaHvoq. in
Rertain to defeat their aims and overwhelm their
rcause with disaster.
The more information the voters hn.v nnnn
any political subject the better position they are
in to judge correctly upon that subject, and,
peneving in this, the Enquirer proposes, with
out fear or favor, to turn a searchlight upon the
election statistics of the nast few vnn.rs nnd hnw
how absurd it is for what are termed the re
actionary forces of the country to either profess
to believe or to imagine for a moment that thv
have any chance to nominate or elect an attor
ney or tneir choice, a representative of their
interests or an advocate of their views.
We are constantly told of the strpntrth thnt
rill be added to the democratic vot thrmiirh
the nomination of a man that will be satisfac
tory to interests that are bv tho vorv nsitn nt
(things antagonistic to the democratic party.
t we are implored to nominate a man that
twill carry Now York-, New Jersey and Connecti
cut by appeals to the conservative sentiment of
those states, and one that will be recognized as
, u menu ana an any or tiiese interests that are
.so necessary for the nartv to secure a nniitinni
I, victory.
Very good. Let us see what, in the voting
strength of this "safe, sound and conservative"
element that promises to crown the democratic
standard with the laurels of victorv. nrnvi roA
Ithe party nominates an attorney that has served
Ithem well one who did not rudelv enforce the
statutes of the United States as written in the
anti-trust law.
In 1904 we were promised by this same ele
ment a national political triumph of the most
sweeping character.
They were to mass their millions of conserva
tive voters at the polls and sweep the country
for a man representative of their views and their
section of the union.
The democrats placed at their head that
Political Strength
worthy son of New York, Hon. Alton B. Parker,
an upright judge, a straight democrat, a ma'ii of
high character and of good reputation.
And this is what New York, Connecticut and
New Jersey did to their own favorite and their
own selected candidate:
Connecticut, Roosevelt's plurality 38,180
New Jersey, Roosevelt's plurality 80,598
New York, Roosevelt's plurality 175,552
This was, indeed, a full measure of that con
servative democratic strength which was to roll
up for New York's candidate and New York's
choice a rousing majority.
Now, lest our democratic friends in the oast
and the south and the west should forgot, let
us compare these pluralities with those of. 1900,
when the candidate was opposed by those who
delight to class themselves as "safe, sound and
conservative."
We can thus truly and accurately arrive at the
strength of the reactionaries of these three
states:
1900 .
Connecticut, McKinley's plurality 28,570
New Jersey, McKinley plurality 5G.S99
New York, McKinley's plurality 143, GOG
Democrats of Ohio, Indiana, Kentucky and
West Virginia, democrats of the whole union,
can you not see the weakness of a reactionary
candidate, or of any ally or representative of the
interests, as our candidate right in the very
states they deem their strongholds?
If these men who would select one of their
instruments as the democratic candidate for
president have any influence over the voters in
their own states it was not exercised for' the
candidate they demanded and that the party
nominate in 1904.
If they are without influence upon their home
voters, as this comparison of 1900 and 1904
indicates, they surely have none outside of tho
states named, and a candidate of their choosing
would have no chance in any direction.
Let the south and the west see to it that Now
York, New Jersey and Connecticut are given a
strong candidate, one that is known as a pro
gressive and who can carry the three states and
enough others to place the party in possession
of the federal power.
Let us select a man who can poll the progres
sive votes of those states and the entire progres
sive vote of the country.
Such a man can carry New York, New Jersey,
Connecticut and Indiana and be elected.
Harmon's Record
HOW ITE DODGED ON AN IMPORTANT
NEWSPAPER BILL, PASSED BY THE
OHIO LEGISLATURE
An inspection of the numerous bills passed
by the Ohio legislature which Governor Harmon
allowed to become laws without his approval
does not add to his fame as a progressive execu
tive. One of the admitted bulwarks of a democ
racy is a free press. This does not mean that
because a man owns a newspaper he is licensed
to utilize Its vast power to tear down the char
acter or to destroy the business of men whom
he does not like. It does mean the freedom to
write and print with due regard to the truth and
the rights and reputations of others, with full
responsibility for whatever is printed. If such
a publication be true and it be published with
good motives and for justifiable ends this is a
Bufflcient defense in an action. Generally speak
ing, the courts hold a newspaper accountable
lor the truth of what it prints except in certain
cases, where the publication is declared to be
privileged.
Briefly stated, a privileged publication-means
that the newspaper has the right to publish cer
tain matters without being held responsible for
the truth of the statements contained therein.
In some states the statutes prescribe what sort
of matter is privileged, but in most of them
the courts, following constitutional guarantees,
have protected newspapers in the publication of
reports of legislative and judicial proceedings.
This privilege is extended to newspapers be
cause the public weal demands it. Otherwise a
newspaper would be compelled to prove the
truth of every statement made in council and
legislative meetings by members as well as the
contents of documents and informations and
indictments filed in court.
At the 1911 session of the Ohio legislature
Senator Bader introduced and there was passed
a law specifically defining just what a news
paper might print under the protection of judi
cial privilege, .a safeguard that is valuable not
only to the newspaper, but to tho public. On
page 95 of the "Laws of Ohio for 1911" will
be found this act. The general code is supple
mented by the enactment of two now sections
conferring this right upon the press of Ohio.
One of these sections provides that the publi
cation of a fair and impartial report of tho pro
ceedings before state or municipal legislative
bodies or before state or municipal executive
bodies, boards or officers, or the whole or a fair
synopsis of any bill, ordinance, report, resolu
tion, bulletin, notice, petition or other docu
ment presented, filed or issued in any proceed
ing before such legislative or executive body,
board or officer, shall be privileged, unless it
shall be proved that such publication was made
maliciously.
The other section provides that the publica
tion of a fair and impartial report of the return
of any indictment, the issuing of a warrant,
the arrest of any person accused of crime, or
the filing of any affidavit, pleading or other
document in any criminal or civil cause in any
court of competent jurisdiction, or of a fair
and impartial report of tho contents thereof,
shall be privileged, unless it be proved that the
publication was made maliciously, or that the
defendant has refused or neglected to publish
in the same manner In which tho publication
complained of appeared, a reasonable written
explanation or contradiction thereof by the
plaintiff, or that the publisher has refused, upon
request of the plaintiff, to publish the subse
quent determination at such suit or action; pro
vided that nothing in this act shall authorize
tho publication of blasphemous or ihdauent
matter.
Tliis law, in short, gavo to the newspapers tho
right to print an Impartial account for tho in
formation of tho public, Its readers, of just
what was being done or said, or determined by
tho public bodies and public courts of the state.
It is a law equally important to newspaper pub
lishers and tho public. It is a necessary law.
It is a law distinctly progressive, which a gover
nor jealous of freo institutions like tho press
would hasten to approve. Governor Harmon
neither approved nor vetoed it. It was pasHed
April 2Gth, 1911, and after having laid in tho
executive ofllco without action upon it for ten
days, it became a law without his signature, in
accordance with tho constitution of the state
of Ohio. C. Q. D.
Henry's Great Fight
Following Is an Associated Press dispatch:
Washington, Jan. 29. Tho proposed congres
sional Investigation of tho domination of tho
financial interests of the United States by a so
called "money trust" has developed a live issue
in the house democracy, threatening to mar tho
harmonious progress of tho party since its ele
vation to control of that branch of congress.
Representative Henry of Texas, chairman of
tho rules committee, today introduced a resolu
tion to direct a most sweeping investigation,
particularly aimed at the New York stock ex
change and clearing house association groups of
financiers in Wall street, Who are declared to
bo dominating corporation and railroad in
terests; the national banks and their alleged
promotion of speculative schemes with deposits
and the influence of the "money power" in tho
nomination and election of public officials.
This attempt of Mr. Henry to broaden tho
scope of the inquiry originally proposed by Rep
resentative Lindbergh -of Minnesota, evoked a
stirring protest from his democratic colleague,
Representative Littleton of New York. Mr.
Littleton declared that the proposed inquiry
"would further identify the democratic party
with a blind and destructive policy."
Democratic Leader Underwood has been
counselling with his colleagues several days and
though he has not yet made a public statement,
he had viewed the proposition with considerable v
concern as to its effect on the party. The issue
will be fought out first in a party caucus.
Mr. Henry proposes a special committee of
seven members to conduct tho inquiry, which
should embrace also pending resolutions relat
ing to changes in the anti-trust law. This com
mittee would have autocratic power. It would
be empowered to summon financial magnates
and demand production of books and papers.
Tho resolution in its reference to tho New York
stock exchange and clearing house Is designed
to ascertain whether they are dominated by any
individual or group of individuals In "directing
the use or deposit of funds of national banks
in the city of New York or of interstate roads
or industrial corporations."
William J. Bryan has for some time vigorously
urged on congress an investigation of the money
trust.
MIGHT HAVE WAITED
Tho Hartford Courant says: "A cheap sen
sation was started recently In New York to tho
effect that Mr. Morgan had outwitted the Stan
ley committee (Investigating Steel trust affairs)
by running surreptitiously off to Europe. Tho
fact is that the Intention of Mr. Morgan to sail
soon has been frequently published of late and
his departure was not secret."
But Mr. Morgan might have waited a bit after
ho had been told that he could serve his country
by giving some Inside information. Ho is, how
ever, so deeply interested in art that the coun
try must spare him partlcudarly when ener
getic committees like the Stanley committee gets
too inquisitive.
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