The Commoner.
JANUARY 19, 1912
May 21, 1832, and succeeding conventions ac
quired the Baltimore habit. The last ono mere
ly indorsed the Greeley and Brown ticket and
platform of the liberal republicans. The con
vention of greatest historic interest was hold
in 1860, following an irreconcilable conflict
between the factions of the party.
The convention first met at Charleston April
23. After wrangling for several days and nights
over the slavery question the convention was
unable to agree on a declaration of principles.
Several southern delegations withdrew, and on
account of the two-thirds rule those who re
mained failed to nominate a ticket. The con
vention adjourned on-the tenth day to meet
at Baltimore June 18.
There was a further secession of delegates ,
from the border states following five days of
wrangling. The remaining delegates nominated
Stephen A. Douglas and Herschol V. Johnson.
The seceders from the Charleston convention,
joined by those from the Baltimore convention,
nominated John C. Breckinridge and Joseph
Lane. Both conventions reaffirmed the platform
of 185G.
The only differences grew out of the slavery
question. The Douglas platform left the ques
tion to the supreme court and agreed to abido
by its decision; the Breckinridge platform de
clared the people of a territory had the right
to decide the slavery question for themselves
and also declared the citizens of the various
states had the right to settle in a territory and
carry their property with them without being
interfered with by congressional action.
Opposing these two tickets in that campaign
were two other tickets, one called the constitu
tional union ticket and headed by John Bell
and Edward Everett, and the other the republi
can ticket and headed by Abraham Lincoln and
Hannibal Hamlin.
The Fight Against Girffey in the Na
tional Committee
SECRET CAUCUS ABOLISHED
-The democratic members of congress have
yery wisely decided to abolish the secret caucus.
The new rules do not go as far as they ought
to but they are an improvement over the old
ones. It is decreed that hereafter ONE-FIFTH
of those present can demand a roll call on any
proposition. The roll call ought to be made
imperative, but so long as Mr. Underwood is
leader the democrats must content themselves
with minimum concessions and should feel duly
grateful for small favors.
Most of the state constitutions provide that no
measure can become a law without an affirma
tive vote on roll call of a -majority of all the
members of the body; this gives complete pro
tection. The house democrats, however, have
followed the more ancient plan of the federal
congress and, without requiring a roll call, per
mit one when a fifth of the caucus demand it.
The weakness of the plan lies in the fact that
in the interest of "harmony" the majority
whenever there is a spirited contest will appeal
to the minority not to disclose the division in
them by a roll call, and every one experienced
in politics knows how potent the "harmony"
plea is when backed by some powerful interest.
The party will yet come to the imperative roll
call, but the optional roll call is a beginning,
and as said before, even a small concession, at
Oils time is an occasion for gratitude.
"FALSE ECONOMY"
The Stanley investigating 'committee has
asked for an appropriation to enable it to pur
sue the work for which it was appointed.
Objection to these appropriations have been
made in certain democratic quarters. It is said
that the democratic congress should keep down
all appropriations in order that they may make
a record for economy. The people want econo
my in public expenditures but they are not at
all desirous of false economy. They are per
fectly willing to expend money for the purpose
of enabling an honest and determined investigat
ing committee to probe affairs like those of the
Steel truBt. The Stanley investigating commit
tee has won public confidence and the member
of congress who votes against a proposition to
strengthen that committee's arm and make
thorough investigation on its part possible, will
have to have some better excuse than a desire
to "keep down expenditures."
The people would have their representative
Watch appropriation bills very carefully. They
would have them vote against all extravagant
and needless expenditure but they will applaud
very vote cast in behalf of such an appropria
tion, as that asked by the Stanley committee.
Following is the report of the democratic na
tional committee fight made to the Philadelphia
North American by its spocial correspondent,
Walter Darlington:
Washington, Jan. 8. After William Jonnings
Bryan, with the full earnestness and force of
which he is capable, had denounce'd the out
cropping of toryism in the democratic national
committee, and, standing over Colonel James
M. Guffey, had put the mark on him as at
representative of predatory wealth, the com
mittee today accepted Guffey into its member
ship. Guffey was seated and A. Mitchell Palmer,
claimant, elected by the democratic reorganlzers
in the state, was defeated,' 30 to .18, many of
the committeemen who went along with the
Mack-Taggort-Sullivan-McGraw group of reac
tionary manipulators, voting in shamefaced and
apologetic manner to carry through tho set-up
proceedings.
The Pennsylvania fight supplied all the busi
ness the committee could handle today, and
another session will be held tomorrow to fix
the time and place for the national convention
and dispose of tho presidential primary ques
tion. BRYAN UPSETS TORY PLAN
Although realizing the strength of the Guffey
rescue corps in tho committee and the hopeless
ness of combating it successfully, Mr. Bryan
hesitated not at all in taking the plunge. He
upset the tory plan for disposal of tho Guffey
Palraer case quietly" through the action of a
packed sub-committee and' forced its considera
tion by the full body. His attack on Guffey was
directed more at the scheming efforts of the
reactionaries in the party, manifested in this
particular case, than at the individual, but ho
made the oil colonel squirm occasionally by
reference to him as "that man Guffey."
That Bryan from this time on will conduct
a more active warfare than heretofore against
the wirepullers for tho special interests there
seems to be no question. Their little temporary
victory in the committee today has revealed their
hand, and will prove costly to them, for Mr.
Bryan, aroused, can be expected to gun for them
from now until convention time, Btirring the
progressive democratic voters, whom they have
defied, to the attack.
Among the democratic politicians assembled
here, Mr. Bryan was the dominating man today,
despite his setback in the committee room.
Democrats in profession filed past Governor
Wilson, of New Jersey, at his hotel headquarters,
shaking hands and paying respects In formal,
dignified manner; but wherever Bryan appeared
he was quickly surrounded by enthusiasts as of
old. When he took his seat in the committee
he was cheered, and most of the members in
the Guffey line-up showed eagerness to greet
him. Only 'the reactionary members held back.
In his speech against the recognition of
Guffey and the treacherous stripe of democracy
for which ho stands, Bryan repeated his denial
of present presidential ambitions. He could
talk with freedom, he declared, as one who is
not a candidate and wpuld not be.
Before the national committee assembled to
day, Chairman Mack, sympathetic with the Guf
fey defenders, was set in his ways and frowned
upon the Pennsylvania progressives who asked
Information as to the nature of the proceedings
they would have to face and protested against
sub-committee suppression. Mr. Bryan took
Chairman Mack aside and reasoned, with him,
and' the chairman saw the need of dropping the
sub-committee game. It delayed the meeting
half an hour and kept the entire committee en
gaged on the Pennsylvania contest the best part
of the afternoon, Instead of allowing Guffey to
bo shunted into his seat quickly and without
friction.
For three minutes the committee session was
an open affair. Then the fireworks began, and
the spectators who filled the room were shown
the door. On motion of some enemy of publicity
the lock was turned, with only the committee
on the inside.
Congressman Palmer, contesting this Pennsyl
vania seat with Colonel Guffey, took precaution
against possible ejection by nursing a proxy from
tho Utah committeeman. No one attempted to
put him out.
With the namo of tho vory first stato on tho
roll call, Alabama, hostilities bogan. Tho Ala
bama committeeman had been olectod by tho
stato committeo to fill a vacancy, and Chairman
Mack, acting undor a rulo that emanated from
Roger Sullivan, of Illinois, at tho national con
vention of four years ago, had caused his namo
to bo placed on tho roll.
Promptly Mr. Bryan challenged, and every
body knew that ho had the Pennsylvania contest
in view and meant to havo his say about it.
Chairman Mack decided that tho Bryan objec
tion was not good, and Mr. Bryan, speaking
quietly, appealed from tho decision. It was at
this point that tho crowd was marched out of
tho room.
Mr. Bryan resumed, arguing tho necessity of
tho committeo keeping control of its own mem
bership. He held that tho committeo should
hold the power to reject those unfaithful to tho
party, just as the United States senate or house
is the sole judge of the qualifications df its owa
members.
The appeal was lost, 34 to 13.
On the vote on Mr. Bryan's appeal from the
decision of Chairman Mack, seating the now
Alabama member without action by the com
mitteo, tho thirteen states which stood by Bryan
were: Colorado, Delaware, Louisiana, Ne
braska, Now Jersey, New Mexico, Oregon, Rhodo
Island, South Carolina, South Dakota, Utah,
Wisconsin and District of Columbia.
Call of tho namo of Pennsylvania brought re
sponses from both Colonel Guffey, whoso namo
the chairman had had placed on the roll, and
Congressman Palmer, whom the state com
mittee, at its reorganization meeting lost spring,
had elected as Guffey's successor.
Guffey's old political side partner, John T.
McGraw, of West Virginia, made a motion that
the colonel's namo bo kept on tho roll, and
Committeeman Daniels, of North Carolina,
offered a substitute that it be replaced with that
of Palmer.
Suggestion by Mr. Bryan, that tho contes
tants be given thirty minutes each for presenta
tion of claims, with further time for discussion
by the committee, was accepted.
Congressman Palmer led off, stating his case
in its legal aspect and holding that a state com
mittee had the right to rescind its action in filling
a committee vacancy. His own election to re
place Guffey, ho said, was tho result of a suc
cessful revolution, and as such was entitled to
recognition. Some of tho details of Guffey's
Allentown convention, the manipulation of
which drove 30,000 democrats away from tho
nominee for governor, wore offered for tho
enlightenment of tho committeo.
A statement by Palmer, that the election of
Guffey in 1909 had never been ratified by stato
convention, as required by the party rules,
brought Guffey to his feet, exclaiming, excitedly,
"That's a He!"
Palmar glanced at the colonel, and remarked
that as he was an old man he would let the
affront pass.
There were calls for the colonel to take It
back, and he did take it back.
Senator Tillman suggested that Guffey owed
tho committee an apology, and an apology was
forthcoming, too.
The explanation of the disputed point, it is
said, is that P. Gray Meek, secretary of the old
Guffey state organization, had in January of
the present year, as an after thought, certified
that tho state convention of 1909 ratified the
Guffey election, although Palmer, who was tem
porary chairman of that convention, has no
recollection of such action, and Bruce Sterling,
the permanent chairman, is reported likewise
to bo deficient in memory.
Colonel Guffey called in ex-State Senator
Arthur G. Dewalt, of Allentown, his claimant
for the state chairmanship, to speak for .him, and
Dewalt treated the national committeemen to a
plea for tho colonel in attorney style.
Dewalt was quite sure that when a state com
mittee had elected one member of the national
body, it exhausted Its power and could not res
cind its action or anything like that. Ho dropped
the suggestion that if a recall of committeemen
were sanctioned, no member of the body could
feel secure in his seat. This line of talk, ap-
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