w ir
v'
The Commoner.
WILLIAM J- BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR
srw 'f, t3P' v"if
VOL. 12, NO. 1
Lincoln, Nebraska, Januaiy 12, 19lSKl3Cft JfigN umber 573
ac
W Jtk
nat-s
WCfiETY
William J, Bryan on the Political Situation
AN INTERVIEW BY C. M. HARGER FOR THE OUTLOOK
' "Protection of the people from exploitation
at the hands of predatory corporations."
Summed up in a dozen words, that Is William
Jennings Bryan's idea of the nation's greatest
need, the nucleus of his political philosophy,
as he expressed it a few days ago. Wo had
talked of current happenings and had come to
discussion Qf larger things.
To locate Mr. Bryan and to secure his un
disturbed attention for an hour is a task much
resembling searching for the proverbial needle
in a haystack. His evenings, and many after
noons, are filled with addresses before conven
tions, lyceums, congresses, chautauqua and
banquet gatherings. He inhabits Pullman cars
between times. His family sees him only at
intervals. More in demand than any other
speaker in America, from Penobscot to Phoenix,
from Seattle to Miami, he travels and lectures.
Sixteen years of publicity have not diminished
the public's enjoyment of his oratory nor les
sened its interest in his views
Suppose you plan to meet him as ho arrives
on an early morning train. He is not to speak
until afternoon, but -the inevitable committee
is at the station, seizing him as he leaves the
car. A formal breakfast, a motor ride, a con
ference with local democratic leaders, a uni
versity club luncheon and.theday is gone. ,-vNot
that .hve is difficult to apprnTWinherentood
nature and good will are as smilingly apparent
today as when he; first became a national
character a rare thing among public men.
On the train, as he hurries to another recep
tion, it is the same. Every man on the Pull
man stops for a hand-shake.
"I was on the committee when you spoke in
Keokuk in 1896."
"Yes, I have been there twice since," is the
quick reply.
"My brother introduced you when you spoke
at Indianapolis last summer," breaks 4n an
other. -
"I have heard you twice and voted for you
three times glad to meet you personally at
last," comes a third.
And so it goes, day in, day out all the time
the urbane, courteous Bryan, extending friendly
greetings, , often with apt ancedote or remi
niscence. At last curiosity and interest are satisfied and
the passengers return to their magazines and
newspapers.
"If any person in this country is thoroughly
in touch with all sections and all classes, it is
yourself," I suggested.
Mr. Bryan settled back on the seat and gazed
at the flying landscape.
"And we all are unconsciously asking our-"
selves, What is the greatest problem of the na
tion today? What do you consider it?"
He did not reply for a moment. Then, in
erisp, clear-cut expression: "Protection of the
people from exploitation at the hands of preda
tory corporations."
"That is rather general," I commented. "The
' average man does not see just where it touches
him."
"It does touch the average man. It affects
- the entire public in three ways: through the
tariff, the" trusts, and the railway question.
High tariff lays a burden on the masses of the
people for the benefit of protected industries.
Through high tariff rates enormous sums are
extracted from the pockets of the' producers of
wealth and turned over to the beneficiaries of
the protective system. The trust question Is a
natural outgrowth of the tariff. Corporations
combine and take advantage of the protection
given by high tariff laws. The advocates of
protection used to argue that competition at
home would ..protect the public from extortion,
even though import duties were high."
"But many tariff schedules were not used,"
I interrupted.
- "It is not a sufficient answer to say that tariff
rates not used are not needed; they are an
invitation to combinations in the restraint of
trade. The trust question has therefore aggra
vated the tariff question and made it more acute
by Increasing the burden imposed by high duties.
The matter of the railways is independent of
the other two, but the men at the head of our
railway corporations are largejy interested in
trusts and . protected industries. In fact, the
tariff question is largely a question of railway
rates. The same group of financiers is found
back of every evil in our national economics
that demands a remedy. And that is why it is
so difficult to accomplish anything in the way
of reform. When you touch one evil you touch
all, and those who reap the profit from these
evils are united against any and all remedial
legislation."
"But," with a reminder that financial opera
tions naturally unite many interests, "are they
doing any differently today from what they have
through all the history of our wonderful develop
ment?" "They are. Just now they are planning a
new method' of overreaching the public. Big.
financiers are back of the Aldrich., currency
hot lmow of anything more that they can ask.
They will then be in complete control of every
thing through the control of our national
finances."
"What would you do legislate without
reference to the immediate effect on the busi
ness of the country? Is not the present condi
tion evidence of a conflict between politics and
business?"
Mr. Bryan did not hesitate. "Well," he re
plied, "possibly two kinds of business may be
affected by the fear of hostile legislation busi
ness that rests on favors and business that rests
on practices we should prohibit. Industries that
enjoy high tariff may be nervous because of
prospective reduction, and trusts may be uneasy
because of a prospect of anti-trust legislation.
I do not know to what extent fear on the part
THE COMMONER'S TWELFTH YEAR,
'
In its initial number The Commoner
said: "The Commoner will be satisfied
if, by fidelity to the common people, it
proves its right to the name which has
been chosen." At the beginning of every
year The Commoner has reproduced this
statement, and in this, the first issue of
The Commoner's twelfth year, attention
is again directed to it.
It is not for the editor to say whether
The Commoner has proved its right to
the name it bears. Those who have
habitually read this publication are to
be the judges. It is sufficient for the
editor of The Commoner to know and
perhaps pardonable for him to say that
if The Commoner has made mistakes
they have not been mistakes of the
heart; that its purpose has ever been to
stand for the public ' interests, and to
make the great political party with
which It affiliates of practical service to
the people, to the end that a government
erected, as our government was, in
"liberty's unclouded blaze" shall be in
truth what the fathers intended it
should be government of, by and for
the people.
.
of those two lines of business may bo respon
sible for the dullness In trade charged by our
industrial oracles, but the people should not bo
denied relief merely because remedial legisla
tion will necessitate some readjustment. Surely
those who profit by injustice are not In a posi
tion to make such a plea.
"I do not know," ho added, "of any natural
cause for hard times, or oven for a period of
waiting trade and uneasiness concerning tho
future. Prices have been rising throughout tho
world. Crops have been good. Reasons that
ordinarily account for business depression do
not account for whatever dullness may bo ob
served at present. There are artificial as well
as natural causes for panics. Tho control of
tho money of commerce is now so concentrated
that a few big men may bring pressure to bear
on our entire business community. I am satis
fied that this pressure was employed in 1893
to coerce congress into repealing tho purchas
ing clause of the Sherman law. Possibly it is
employed now to frighten the country into an
acceptance of the Aldrlch currency scheme."
"But, Mr. Bryan, is It not generally conceded
that our banking system is inadequate to our
needs and that we should make some Improve
ment that would fit It to our business condi-
'TnVae true, but the Aldrlch plan is
not an Improvement. I am satisfied from ob
serving the conduct of financiers that the Aid
rich scheme is not intended to help people
generally, but as a plan whose sole object is
to glvo big financiers more complete control
of the business situation. I believe that pro
tection to depositors will do much more to
prevent a panic than any currency scheme."
Mr. Bryan was an early advocate of tho
guarantee of bank deposits. The Oklahoma plan
is largely his idea. Yet Oklahoma has levied
over three-quarters of a million dollars In pay
ing depositors in failed banks since Its guaran
tee law was put In operation. I recalled this,
and added, "You favor this despite Oklahoma's
rather stormy experience?"
"Oklahoma's experience has not been stormy,"
declared Mr. Bryan, straightening up to defend
his favorite theory. "You must remember that
tho public hears a great deal more through tho
press and the financial papers of instances where'
the bankers lose than they do where the deposi
tors lose. While I think the Oklahoma scheme,
which is being tried In substance by Texas,
Kansas and Nebraska Is amenable to improve
ment and will be fitted eventually more com
pletely to tho needs of our banking system, tho
question is not whether Oklahoma's law may
have imperfections; the question Is, Shall tho
bankers be compelled to make big profits In
good times and throw the burden on the deposi
tors in times of depression? It is a queer kind
of business Integrity that leads a banker to feel
indifferent to the interests of those whose
deposits make him rich. You would suppose
that he would be interested enough in protect
ing his depositors to devise some scheme that
would Insure them against loss; but so far his
business energy has been largely employed In
denouncing any man who even suggests that
depositors have rights'."
"Then you think that we are not going far
enough In governmental control of corporations,
and .the government ought to manage every
sort of corporation enterprise? Where would
that lead us?"
"I wish you would draw a clear distinction
between national Incorporation favored by the
trusts and the federal license proposed by the
democratic platform," insisted Mr. Bryan. "Na
tional Incorporation is desired as a meanSs of
escaping state control. The democrats oppose
this vigorously, and, so far as is known, unani
mously. The federal license plan as proposed
llsjLtJL.'it&lk.jfo,. , '. 't&jaatt..i..,s
mmtimklAm
-xt-'.-.l. .ftit.i..t.-,....-
W4