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DECEMBER 1, 1911
The Commoner.
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ever since refused to enact relating to con
tempts in federal courts and providing for trial
by jury in cases of indirect contempt.
"Questions of judicial practice have arisen,
especially in connection with industrial disputes.
Wo deem that the parties to all judicial proceed
ings should be treated with rigid impartiality,
and that injunctions should not bo issued in
any cases in which injunctions would not issue
if no industrial dispute were involved.
"The expanding organization of industry makes
it essential that there should be no abridgment
of the right of wage earners and producers to
organize for the protection of wages and the
improvement of labor conditions to the end that
such labor organizations and their members
should not be regarded as illegal combinations
in restraint of trade.
"We favor the eight-hour day on all govern--ment
work; ...
"We pledge the democratic party to the enact
ment of a law by congress, as far as the federal
jurisdiction extends, for a general employers'
liability act covering injury to .body or loss of
life of employes.
a "We pledge the democratic party to the enact
ment of a law creating a department of labor,
represented separately in the . president's cabi
net, which department shall include the sub
ject of mines and mining."
The progressive republicans in the senate
would doubtless help carry the measure through
the senate and the president would then have
a chance to sign or veto.
PORTO RICO
The democratic national platform of 1908
promised a territorial form of government to
Porto Rico; the promise should be kept. The
democratic house should take the initiative and
pass the necessary law for the creation of the
territory of Porto Rico. There should be no
hesitation about this matter; the people of Porto
Rico are entitled to a territorial form of govern
ment. It ought to have been given to them be
fore this; if there is any further delay, let the
blame fall upon the republican senate rather
than upon the democratic house.
' WORDS FITLY SPOKEN
Below will be found extracts from speeches
delivered at Kansas City recently in opposition
to the Aldricb currency scheme. They are
words fitly spoken:
Speaker Clark said:
"Laying no claim whatever to the character of a
financier, I am utterly opposed to the creation,
chartering or authorization of any Institute which
will deliver Into thq hands of a few men, I care
not who they may be or where they may live, the
powers of life and death, not only over the hankers
of the country, but over every business In the land.
Even financiers of renown differ widely as tho
poles "on the Aldrich plan. Many great financiers
Indorse it, some- emphatically, some mildly and some
doubtfully and hesitatingly. Such eminent and suc
cessful "business men as James J. Hill and Leslie M.
Shaw are openly against It on tho ground that tho
Aldrich plan Is essentially a monopoly. Mr. Shaw
says It would bo so profitable to a few men who
would really run it that they could well afford to
pay the entire national debt for a perpetual charter,
asserting that It would make them absolute masters
of the American business world. Now, If such emi
nent financial physicians as Doctors Aldrich, Vree
land and Laughlln on the one hand, and Doctors
Hill and Shaw on the other hand, disagree so radi-
, cally on this subject, would we not bo acting tho
part of wise and patriotic men to wait long enough
at least to hear both sides in this important and
far-reaching matter beforo making up our minds?
So far it has been largely in tho naturo of an ex
' parte proceeding. Only the advocates of the plan
have had- an Inning. Why, then, rush poll mell
into such an important matter? Why render a
verdict prematurely? Why not take time not too
much, not too little, but ample time thoroughly te
Investigate, to fm.d out ie sponsors, to discover
the motive of this undertaking, to ascertain who
are to be its beneficiaries, to learn with deQnltenesa
tho powers to testify beforo committees of house
and senate, vigorously to cross-examine, to dis
cover jokers, if any, In this plan in short, to in
form ourselves as we ought to bo Informed touch
ing a problem of such intense interest to, 93,000.001
American people now living, and untold million
yet unborn? Individually. I am not enamoured of
tho Aldrich plan. Quite the contrary. I certainly
will vote against it if an attempt Is made to rush it
through under whip and sPurL l ?h,on tf rSZl
oughly ventilated and tho light let in on It. The
safo rule, which I adopted years ag is to vote
against any bill or resolution about which I have
- not had opportunity to inform myself, thereby giv
ing myself and my constituents the benefit of the
doubt."
United States Senator James A. Reed also
fepoke in opposition to tho Aldrich plan.
"I am against any currency scheme written by
tanker? for bankers., I do not mean to attack xe
-tanks or tho financial centers i of the country .but . I
protest against any plan that will lessen the con
.trol of tho people over tho finances of the country.
Is it possible that tho Steel trust would
rather' be prosecuted by its friends than to be
investigated by its enemies?
The Situation in New Jersey
Charles W. Bryan, publisher Tho Commoner:
In responso to the request that I should
make somo statement concerning tho lato elec
tion held In Now Jersey, and tho result of that
election, and its effect upon Governor Wilson's
administration, and the progressive legislation
for which he stood, and which was enacted dur
ing tho last legislative session, would say:
That the lato election was what may bo called
a by-election at which local officials, county
officers and a proportion of tho state senate and
tho members of tho house of assembly were bal
loted for.
There were no prominent or absorbing state
issues involved.
The democratic party in this campaign pledged
itself to further legislation in tho interest of tho
people, and where necessary, to enlarge tho
legislation of 1911; tho republican party pointed
to the legislation of 1911, and its support of tho
same.
Tho great measures in the interest of tho
people and for the re-establishment of repre
sentative government in the state and aimed
at the destruction of tho "machine'.' and tho
elimination of tho "special interests" as an in
fluencing factor in tho public affairs of this
state, were enacted at tho last legislature and
were written upon the statute books, by tho
persistent fight of tho democratic legislators
under the leadership of Governor Wilson.
I now refer particularly to the extension of
tho direct and open primary; tho safeguarding
of the ballot; the enactment of a corrupt prac
tice and anti-bribery act; tho commission gov
ernment act; the appointment of commissioners
for the regulation and control of public utili
ties in the state with rate making powers; tho
workingmen's indemnity and compensation act.
All of this legislation had been secured.
Furthermore, the right of tho peoplo to ex
press their choice for United States senators
was firmly established by the election of James
J. Martino, through tho insiatment of Governor
Wilson.
At the late election, from tho figures of tho
vote in the state on the legislature, they show
a falling off of 85,294 votes compared with 1910,
when Woodrow Wilson was a candidate for
governor, and of 62,548 compared with 1909.
Notwithstanding this great falling off of tho
vote, the democrats carried the state by a popu
lar vote of upwards of 3,100.
By the county system of electing a legisla
ture, existing in tho state of Now Jersey, a poli
tical party, that is in a minority of the popular
vote, can elect a legislative majority while los
ing the state.
This is a remaTkable showing for the demo
cratic party when it is considered that the state
is normally republican.
Since 1896 down to tho election of Governor
Wilson last year, tho chief executives of tho
state have been republicans.
The candidates for governor of tho republi
can party have received as high as tho following
pluralities: 26,900 tho plurality of Governor
Griggs in 1895; 17,133 tho plurality of Governor
Murphy in 1901, and 51,644 the plurality of
Governor Stokes in 1904.
During these administrations tho political
complexion of tho legislature from 1895 to and
including 1910, has been strongly republican,
except on one occasion, which was in 1907,
when tho house consisted of thirty-one demo
crats and twenty-nine republicans.
In the days when the democrats controlled
the state, the highest majority ever received
by a democratic candidate was that of Gover
nor Abbott in 1889, when his plurality was
14,253; tho same candidate's plurality in 1883
was 6,809, and In 1886, when Vice Chancellor
Green was elected governor, his plurality was
8,020.
The election of Governor Wilson In 1910, and
tho carrying out of his policies, have undoubt
edly resulted In maintaining the state of New
Jersey in the democratic column by a majority
of tho popular vote.
There Is no question, that had the Issues
been the same at the last election as they were
In 1910, the state would havo gone as strongly
democratic this year as last.
From an examination of the returns Just at
hand, it would appear that in most of the coun
ties of the state the democratic vote has been
Increased, and In the republican counties, the
majorities reduced.
In Hudson county, the banner democratic
county of the state. Governor Wilson and his
policies woro made an Jbbuo by tho candidates
on tho democratic tlckot thcmsolves.. Tho can
didates for mayors in tho largo cition, tho can
didate for sheriff of Hudson county, and the
candidates for tho houso of aflHombly, all an
nounced their loyalty to Governor Wilson and
his policies, and approbation of tho reform and
progresaivo legislation enacted through his in
fluence. Tho popular democratic majority in tho
county was about 22,000.
Tho democratic candidate for mayor In Jorsoy
City received a phenomena! majority, tho largost
popular majority over received by a candidato
for mayor in that city.
Under tho county system of olocting logisla
lativo representatives, tho republicans gained
tho house of assembly; tho domocrats gained
ono of tho senators.
Tho republicans would again havo lost the
houso had it not been for tho voto In Essex
county. ,
This is tho largost county in tho stato, tho
home of ex-United States Sonator James Smith,
who dominated tho democratic organization In
that county. This county has twolvo assembly
Boats, all of which woro lost, tho democratic and
independent voters refusing to support tho can
didates on tho democratic tlckot bocauso they
woro nominated by tho "machine" and woro
running on an anti-Wilson platform.
New Jersey wont democratic, outsldo of this
county by 10,000, Essex county, howovor, gavo
a republican majority of 7,300, which still loft
tho democratic majority in the stato 3,100.
To show tho disgust of tho voter with the
legislative ticket in Essex county, it appears that
the non-voters in that county numbered nearly
23,000 votes.
Governor Wilson absolutely refused to go
into this county during tho campaign, and spoak
for tho ticket, in view of their open antagonism
to his policies and opposition to the progresaivo
legislation of last year.
As goes tho county of Essex, so goes tho state
politically, and during the last election, this is
exemplified, so far as tho legislative majority
In tho houso is concerned. Had tho domocrats
carried Essex county and secured tho twolve
votes in that county, it would havo been in a
majority in tho legislature.
Under all tho circumstances, It is apparent
that tho democratic party, bocauso of tho pro
gressive legislation adopted last winter, and tho
confidence of the peoplo of tho stato in Gover
nor Wilson, and his great popularity, gained a
great victory at tho lato election.
I might say in conclusion, that there will be
no attack on tho progressive legislation of last
year by the republican majority. It would be
like touching off a high explosive if any attempt
was made to disturb this legislation, excepting
along the lino of perfecting or enlarging the
same.
Tho republican party and its leaders were
very careful during tho lato campaign as to
criticisms in connection with this legislation.
On the other hand, although it put the party In
a ridiculous and grotesque position, in view of
its attitude towards this legislation heretofore,
that of hostility, yet they claimed much of the
credit of the legislation In question.
R. S. HUDSPETH.
Member National Committee from New Jersey.
Jersey City, N. J., Nov. 22, 1911.
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TWO "HIGH FINANCE" STEEL
TRUST COUPS
The Steel trust got tho Tennessee Coal
and Iron comp&my by exchanging its
own second mortgage bonds selling at
84 for Teancsseo stock on a basis of
110 during tho panic of 1907.
Cost to the trust in acunl cash, NOTHING
Value to tho trust $50,000,000
Tho Steel trust got tho Mesaba Iron
mines and the Dulntb, Missabe and
Northern railroad by John D. Rockefel
ler calling loans oa tho original owners
during the panic of 1803.
Cost to tho trust (on the
basis of the Rockefeller
transaction) less than. . .$11,000,000
Value to Jtho trust $700,000,000
Now York World.
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