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If indeed it would not be made up by increased
importations of woolens at a lower rate. And,
to answer in advamce any argument that might
be baaed upon the suggestion of increased im
portations, it may be added that with the price
of woolen goods reduced the consumption of
woolens would be so much increased that we
would have a larger production at home as well
as an increase of importations.
If the democratic party desires to win the
confidence of the country it must have the
courage to advance a principle and to stand
j it If protection is right, let the democratic
farty admit that it has been in error for a
feneration and that it now recognizes that the
republican party has been right in demanding
protection. If, however, the principle of pro
tection is wrong, let the democrats have the
courage to oppose it and begin their fight against
it by removing the tariff on wool which is the
keystone of the protective arch. Every protec
tionist knows that free wool would prove the
death knell of the protective system and there
fore every protectionist is a defender of the
tariff on wool the avowed protectionists ad
mitting that they want protection those pro
tectionists who are not willing to openly indorse
tho system hiding under the pretense that they
want a tariff on wool for revenue purposes.
If the democratic party expects to make a
bold fight for the relief of the people from high
taxation it must not allow itself to he frightened
by the clamor of any protected interest, even
the wool growers. And as a matter of policy
it should remember that those sheep growers
who allow their sheep to do their voting will
oppose a reduction of one-half the tariff on wool
as bitterly as they would oppose a removal of
the entire duty. There Is 'nothing to be gained
by cutting the wool tariff half In two, while
such a concession to the wool growers very
properly angers those who use woolen goods
and who recbgnize that a tariff on wool increases
the cost of woolen goods.
The democratic party has a great opportunity
to take a step forward in, the direction of tariff
reduction. Will it do it?
POPULAR ELECTION OF SENATORS
. 'T'" When the present congress convenes in its
''first regular session in December the demo
cratic majority will do well to recognize, to the
full, the responsibility it bears in shaping of the.
lines of the next campaign. Three questions
that occupied a prominent position during the
first session have been disposed of. Publicity
(before the election) as to campaign contribu
tions has been secured. This is a really great
reform and carries out a plank of the democratic
notional platform of 1908. Arizona and Now
Mexico have been admitted to statehood this
is a deserved, recognition of the claims of these
two young commonwealths." Reciprocity has
been offered to Canada and has been rejected
by her this ends the consideration of recipro
city for the present.
The program announced at the beginning of
the special session began with the election of
senators by the people. Resolutions submitting
the amendment have passed both the house and
the senate .and are now In conference. While
the final submission of a resolution would seem
certain it must be remembered that a partisan
issue has be,en raised in connection witl this
amendmenjb and that that partisan issue not
only jeopardizes the submission of the amend
ment, but what is still more alarming, jeopar
dizes the, ratification of it when submitted. It
requires a two-thirds vote in both houses to
submit an amendment to the constitution and
it requires ratification by three-fourths of the
states to adopt the amendment. As neither
party controls three-fourths of the states it is
Impossible to secure an indorsement by three
fourths of the states of the purely partisan
proposition. The partisan issue raised In con
nection with the election of the senators by the
people is an old one viz., as to whether the
federal government or the state government
should have the final word in the control of
elections. Democrats lean to tho idea of state
control while republicans emphasize the impor
tance of federal supervision. The resolution as
it passed the house embodies the democratic
idea and vests In the state the power of control
over senatorial elections. The resolution as it
pagsed the senate leaves the question of con
trol of senatorial elections in the same position
as the control of congressional elections, and
both republicans and democrats construe this
to mean that the right of federal supervision is
reserved.
Thus far the conference committee has not
been able to agree upon a resolution acceptable
The Commoner.
to both the senato and tho house for the reason,
that there is no compromise ground between
these two theories. It would seem the part or
wisdom, therefore, to seek a wording of the reso
lution which, instead of compromising the two
theories, would eliminate the question entirely
by leaving the partisan situation exactly as it is
now. How can this be done?
There is one way in which tho partisan issue
may be entirely removed and that plan is now
under consideration. Let the resolution be so
worded as to provide for the popular election
of senators but let a provision be added which
will permit any state to return for a limited
period to the present method of electing senators
by the legislature, whenever the electors of the
state demand it by popular vote. The advan
tage of this plan is two fold. In the first place
IT BRINGS ALL STATES TO THE POPULAR
METHOD OP ELECTING SENATORS. This is
tho end aimed at. At the same time IT PER
MITS ANY STATE TO RETURN TO THE
PRESENT METHOD IP ITS PEOPLE SO DE
SIRE. The return should be for a limited
periodsix. eight, ten or twelve years, but these
periods could be successively renewed.
When the optional plan was first suggested
objection was made to it on the ground that
some of the states might not adopt the popular
methods of election, but this objection is
obviated if the amendment compels all states
to adopt the direct method. A return for a
limited period to the present method, upon the
demand of the people, would enable the south
ern states to secure protection from a" force
VOLUM 11, NUMBER &
democratic party hag stood for a resolution
promising independence for the Filipinos. Thia
promise should be fulfilled at once. Our govern
ment should reserve such coaling stations and
naval bases as may be necessary but the people
should be . assured that our country does not
contemplate the continuance of a colonial policy.
If there was ever any doubt of tho wisdom
of promising independence all doubt has been
removed by the fight which the Chinese are
making for the establishment of a republic. With
the Orientals demanding a republic, how can
this, the greatest of republics, defend the
colonial system almost within sight of China?
Congress ought to act and act at once. If tho
senate refuses to join in the passage of the
resolution, let the senate take the responsibility.
The democrats, at least, ought to go on record
in favor of applying American ideas and ideals
in the Philippines.
The platform of 1908 suggests neutralization
of the islands and this idea should be embodied
in the resolution promising independence. There
Is no reason to doubt that all of the leading na
tions would, in exchange for equal commercial
privileges, agree to recognize the right of the
Filipinos to work out their own destiny under
the republic form of government.
Let the democratic congress sound a bugle note
in favor of the doctrine that governments derive
their just powers from the consent of the gov
erned, arid this note will be heard around
the world.
MORE LIGHT
bill, if a force bilL was ever passed. The danger
of a force bill is a very remote one and yet even
an imaginary danger may frighten some, and
aji amendment which permitted federal super
vision as to the election of senators and gave
to the southern states no means of escape from
it might arouse a feajr sufficient to prevent the
ratification of the amendment by the southern
states.
The plan above proposed does not change the
present law it does not deprive the federal
government of any power which it now has and
the return to. the ..present, method' does not give
the southern states any protection which, they
.do not now haye. In other words, the proposed
pjan simply rempves the partisan question and
gives us the election of senators by the people
as a distinct and separate Issue which can be
decided upon its own merits. If there is any
better plan The Commoner will be glad to in
dorse it. But until a better plan is proposed It
urges upon the consideration of senators and
members this plan for the securing of the popu
lar election of United, States senators. It urges
this reform as the "gate way to other reforms"
this is the language of the Denver platform
and it is well chosen language.
No republican can object tp this plan unless
he is anxious to. secure, a partisan victory in
connection with the election of senators by the
direct vote and he ought not to expect a -partisan
victory in connection with a constitutional
amendment until the republicans have three
fourths of the states.
No democrat can complain of the plaD unless
he is more anxious to secure a partisan victory
than he is to secure the election of senators by
the people, and no democrat- ought to expect
a partisan victory in connection with the con
stitutional amendment until the democrats have
three-fourths of the states.
This is a situation wbich the democrats must
meet. If they will lay aside all thought of secur
ing a partisan victory and urge this plan, or
some other plan which will eliminate the parti
san issue, and give the people the election of
senators by direct vote they will be in a posi
tion to invite the judgment of the country upon
their conduct. If the republicans imitate them
in a willingness to eliminate partisanship the
reform will be secured. If, however, the repub
licans show themselves more wedded to partisan
ship than to this great reform they will be put
upon the defensive in the next campaign. The
Commoner appeals to democrats and to pro
gressive republicans to lay aside tho partisan
prejudice that has thus far prevented a con
ference report and unite in a demand for the
election of senators by direct vote of the people.
It can be secured through an amendment that
presents this issue and this issue alone.
THE PHILIPPINE QUESTION
Our democratic congress can not afford to
adjourn without acting upon the Philippine
question and when it does act it has no phojeo
but to carry put the pledge of the democratic
platform. In three national campaigns tho
Congress having passed, and the president
having signed, the measure providing for publi
city, BEFORE THE ELECTION, as to campaign
contributions, the country is ready for. another
step forward.
Our democratic congress should pass immedi
atedly a measure requiring publicity, first, as
to campaign funds used to secure the nomination
of presidential candidates; second, as to tho
recommendations filed with the president in be
half of applicants .for appointments which have
to be confirmed by the senate; and, third, as
to the ownership of papers which use the mails.
We need more light on all these subjects It
will be difficulty for opponents Jtpflnd a reason
able argument against such a "measure.
Why not publicity as to influences which se
cure nominations as well as to influences which
control elections? Every organization formed
to advance the interests of a candidate and
every individual who uses money in behalf of a
candidate should be compelled to file a state
ment showing money subscribed or employed
and the publication should be AT THE TIME
THE SUBSCRIPTION IS MADE OR THE
MONEY USED.
Every written recommendation of applicants
for presidential appointments should be kept
on file and be open for inspection, and no verbal
recommendations should be permitted. Papers,
periodicals and magazines using the mails
should bo compelled to file a list of stockholders
or owners and to file also a statement of in
debtedness where it exceeds one-third of cost or
present value of plant. The progressive republic
cans of the senate would in all probability sup
port such a measure and the president would
hardly risk the criticism which a veto would
arouse.
THE LABOR QUESTION
The democratic congress should carry out the
democratic platform on the labor question:
"The courts of justice are the bulwark of our
liberties, and we yield to none in our purpose
to maintain their dignity. Our party has given
to the bench a long line of distinguished judges
who have added to the respect and confidence in
which this department must be jealously, main
tained. We resent the attempt of the republican
party to raise a false issue respecting the judi
ciary. It is an unjust reflection upon a great
body of our citizens to assume that they lack
respect for the courts.
"It is the function of the courts to interpret
the laws which the people create, and if tho
laws appear to work economic, social or political
injustice, it is our duty to change them. The
only -basis upon which the Integrity of our courts
can stand is that of unswerving justice and pro
tection of life, personal liberty and property.
If judicial processes may be abused, we should
guard against abuse.
"Experience has proven the -necessity of .a
modification of tho present law relating to injunc
tions, and wo reiterate the pledge of our national
platforms of , 1896 and 1904 ..in favor of the
measure which passed tho United States senate
in 1896, but which a republican congress, has
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