fnwpjl9p7iw- XaCCBMBEIR 1, 1911 talltiea mlrht h atoIia . .. tto ntrl power to toLrterTiSK ,T,.P "P0." " lwmw The Commoner. tote administrations. Mexico wag undoubtedly republi can in form under Diaz, but the toting were perverted to a dictator Mp; yet a more show of revolution jegtored the people to their use of the duly provided forms. Such self corrective power of state autonomy was doubtless relied upon when the form alone of republican government w required oi the states. Of such rorm the only test is the character of the general fabric. Our experience with the constitu tion of the United States has wit nessed the practical nullification of many of the forms which were pro vided. The electoral college is non existent as an independent body; the power of the president's cabinet is extra-constitutional; the senatorial power to consent to official appoint ments has become practically the control of such appointments. Woodrow Wilson insists (Congres sional Government, page 306) that w.vunuu ID uutY UU1-S.XU1U1 OL government rather in name than in reality, the form of the' constitution being one of nicely adjusted ideal balances, whilst the actual form of our present government is simply a - .scheme of congressional supremacy." , In England the premier Jrae boldly . ".declared, that 'the Jcing!s veto Js as dead as Queen Anne," and the recent concession by the house of lords of a vast portion of this power is a mighty change in substance without a change in form. It was Lord Butte who well said, "The forms of a free and the ends of an arbitrary .government are -' ,rthingsnot altogether dncompatibl6."" John Adams in his ""Thoughts on Government" (Works, Vol. 1, page 193) rebuked the poet Pope for false philosophy expressed in his lines, "For forms of government let fools contest; that which is ,besfc ad ministered is best." "Nothing," said Adams, "can be more fallacious than this; nothing is more certain than that some forms of government are better fitted for being well adminis tered than others." The later provisions of Article 4, Section 4 for cases of invasion and domestic violence are very impres sive in their suggestion that the sub stance of republicanism is to be pre served under that portion of the article, and that under the guaranty clause, the states are required only to furnish the forms of a free re public. It is quite apparent that there are no particular forms contemplated as - republican by the constitution. - ' Vln.the constitution of Pennsyl vania the executive department exer cises judicial powers in the trial of " -public officers. In New .Jersey, in '-Georgia, in. South Carolina and North ' -'Oarolina the executive jpower, is -tf blended rwith .the legislative." - James Ttfilson in Elliot's De bate?, "Vol. II, p. 505. 'Clearly -the direct election of repre sentatives is not a requisite, as this very court consists of men appointed by the president who is eiectea oy an electoral college. It is likewise plain that a limited tenure is not essential as the members of this court hold their offices during good behavior. In the constitutional period the election of judges was not by the people but in the form of appoint ment under the English precedents. That the people of most of the states have decided to elect their judges constitutes clearly no invasion of the republican form. If it be true that the only basic requisite of re publican form be its recognition of -the continuing sovereignty of the people, such form would seem to re late'to the machinery of the govern ment; the shape . it. takes must be such that the popular will shall be 11 .' -' ." permit expression of consent of the Pare democracy has never been regarded as inconsistent with such rorm, but on the contrary has been deemed Its most perfect form. Oligarchy and monarchy are the only inconsistent forms, namely, the power of one or of less than a ma jority to determine the rights of the whole. There is no doubt that the speech of James Wilson In th rnnvnnn of Pennsylvania for the ratification of the constitution, November 24th, 1787 exercised a profound influence upon the public opinion with respect to the federal constitution. B. "DEMOCRATIC" AND "RE PUBLICAN" SYNONYMOUS. It is apparent from the discus sions of the constitutional period that no distinction existed in the larger conception of the words "de mocracy" and "republic." This Is true even nf Annfant mifhrrtHa "There, are .three sorts of t public i government, to wit: Monarchy, which is regality or kingship, oli garchy, which is the government by peers and nobles and democracy, which is a popular or (as wo term it) a tree state." Plutarch's Morals, Vol. V, p. 39. Tacitus' Annals, Book IV, Ch. 33. "If we consider the nature of civic government, we shall find that, in all nations, the supreme authority is vested either In the people, or the nobles or a single ruler." Charles. Pinckney a member of the -constitutional, convention quotes Paley, Vol. II, 174, -175., who enu merates three forms of government, despotism, aristocracy, and a re public and defines the latter as "a republic, where the people at large either collectively or .by representa tion form the legislature." Elliot's Debates, Vol. IV, p. 828. Hamilton in his brief for argument on the constitution of the United States (1788, Works, Vol. II, p. 463) makes it plain that "republic" was a term variously understood. He asserts that it has been applied to aristocracies and monarchies as Rome and Great Britain under kings, Sparta and Carthage through a senate for life, Netherlands through aristocracy and monarchy. He adverts to the confusion about the words democracy, aristocracy and and monarchy, designating democ racy, as defined by Rousseau, as a government exercised by the collec tive body of the people and any delegation creating an aristocracy,, but he says: "Democracy in my sense where the whole power of the government in the people; 1, whether exercised by themselves .or, 2, .by .their 'represen tatives, .chosen -by ;them either medk ately "or 'immediately and legally accountable to them." He divides governments not into republics, &c, but into democracy, aristocracy, monarchy, and defines aristocracy "Where whole sov ereignty is permanently In the hands of a few for life or hereditary" and monarchy where the whole sov ereignty is in the hands of one man for life or hereditary." is that the Wort it intend the establishment and security of tho former. We, sir, idollzo tho domocracy; taose who oppose it have bestowod yjogiums on monarchy. Wo prefor this system to any monarchy, bo cause we are convinced that it has a greater tendency to cccuro our liberty and promote our happiness. We admire it because wo think It a well-regulated domocracy. It Is recommended to tho good people of this country; they are through us to declare whether it bo such a plan of government as will establish and secure their freedom." "Switzerland," that confederate republic, has stood upwards of 400 years; and although soveral of tho individual republics are democratic and tho rest aristocratic, no evil has resulted from this dissimilarity." Patrick Henry, in Virginia Debatos, Elliot's Debates, Vol. IV, p. 62, and at p. 44, "Holland is not a democ racy whoroin tho pooplo retain all their rights securoly." James Wilson said (Elliot's De bates Vol. II, pago 365) "thon lot ub examine, Mr. President, tho three species of uiuiplo government which aro tho monarchal, arls tocratlcnl and domocratical." Tho fifth installment of Mr. Wil liams' brief will bo printed In the next iflouo of Tho Commonor. SIMPLE SOLUTION "Tho bluff, cheery optimism of the late Senator Fryo," said a Lewiaton dlvlno, "could not brook a whlner. "Once at a dinner horo In Lewis ton, a whlner seated opposite Sena tor Fryo said dolofully: " 'I have only ono friend on earth my dog.' " 'Why don't you got another dog?' said Senator Fryo." BoBton Herald. 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