SEPTEMBER-1, Hit 15 The Commoner. b .l-H- S out of the republican members of the committee? Mr. Smoot, Mr. President, I have no deiire to change any statement that I have ever made on the floor, I gay now to the senator that there had been given by the ways and means committee of the house full and complete hearings nine volumes of them. Mr. Reed. I am talking about the senate. Mr. Smoot. If the senator will wait, I will come to the senate. Mr. Reed. I trust the senator will not take a change of venue to the house of representatives. Mr. Smoot. If the senator does not want me to answer, I will take my seat; but if he will be a little patient, I will come to the Benato. Mr. Reed. I have infinite patience when I am being entertained and in structed by the senator from Utah. Mr. Smoot. Mr. President, I will say that the hearings were open hearings before the ways and means committee of the house, and there were nine large volumes of them. The finance committee of the senate decided that there was no necessity of having public hearings covering the same ground, but also decided that any senator who desired to ap pear before the committee, or have any of his constituents appear be fore the committee, could do so and be heard upon any schedule in the bill. I will say that there were a great many men interested in the several schedules. I do not know that they could be called secret meet ings. There were all the members of the majority party at those meetings. I want to call the attention of the senator from Missouri to the fact that the senate finance committee, acting upon the Payne-Aldrich bill in rela " tlon to having .nly the majority members of the finance committee present, followed exactly the same course as was taken in the considera tion of the Wilson bill and also all other democratic tariff bills. Mr. Reed. Mr. President, if the senator will pardon me one word further because I want a specific statement on this if I can get it does the senator say that when the Wilson bill was being considered by the finance committee of the senate hearings were held by he majority members sitting alone and held in secret, or does he mean merely to say that, after having had their hearings, public in their nature, then the ma jority members met for the purpose of arriving at a conclusion, the dis tinction so that there can be no misunderstanding being between a committee holding public meetings Mr. Warren. I hope this ancient history may be boiled down as close ly as possible as the hour is late. The Presiding Officer (Mr. Curtis in the chair) . Does the senator from .Wyoming yield to the senator from Missouri? Mr. Warren. I yield for concrete questions and answers. Mr. Reed. I will endeavor to boil it down so as to leave sufficient time for any senator to represent his own interest on this floor. Mr. Warren. Mr. President, I do not believe that the courtesy which I have shown to the senator deserves the discourtesy that the senator evi dently intends for me. Mr. Reed. Well, if the senator does not desire to yield, I will de sist and will occupy the floor in my own right. Mr. Warren. I had yielded to the senator, and he is taking advantage of that to be discourteous to me, and I decline to yield further at tills time. The Presiding Officer. The sena tor from Wyoming declines to yield. of tho English common law prece dents. This same high court has not been reluctant, on numerous occas ions, to accept English decisions, some of them centuries old, and handed down at a time when the pro tection of property meant the pro tection of human rights endangered. And tho court has used these prece dents to sustain the claims of proper ty in conflict with human rights and the public good. But when there was enacted in this country a law, the undisputed intent of which was to make into a federal statute the English common law respecting trade monopolies, Ik supremo court failed continuously to take cognizance of the uniform Una of decisions applicable to this very law, and extending over a period of centuries. No nation In the world han shown such wisdom in tho enactment of legislation governing commerce as has Great Britain. The small area' of the little British islands has made tho very existence of England depond upon tho utter absence of tho monop olistic restraint of trade. Hence tho common law respecting trade mo- (Continued on Pago 1G.) THE IiA FOLIjETTE BILL ANTI-TRUST This department Is for the benefit of Commoner subscribers, and a special rate of six cents a word per Insertion the lowest rate has been made for them. Address all communications to The Commoner. Lincoln. Nebraska. FOR SALE, by owner, 250 acres , orange, pineapple and vegetable land, C miles from railroad station; five room residence, 400 bearing orange trees, $6,500, divided $30 per acre; easy payments. Address Box 26, Fort Pierce, Fla. TTCZEMA cure, guaranteed, aamplo 25c. J-1 Almklovs Pharmacy, Cooperstown, North Dakota. BROTHER, accldently discovered root, D will cure both tobacco habit and indigestion. Gladly send particulars. J. W. Stokes, Mohawk, Florida. EARN good pay copying addresses; particulars, six stamps. Hlnchey, ltl, Middloport, N. Y. The most important measure in troduced in the special session of the Sixty-second congress, which ad journed recently, is the La Folletto bill for the further protection of "trade and commerce against unlaw ful restraints and monopolies," pre sented in the senate. Though the extra session of con gress was called for the specific pur pose of acting upon tariff legislation, as embodied in the Canadian recipro city agreement, and the greater part of the session has been given over to a discussion of that subject, the measure likely in the future to be come of more far-reaching impor tance, than any tariff change is the La Follette proposal to amend the Sherman anti-trust law. The supreme court decisions in the Standard Oil and American Tobacco company cases have left the twenty-year-old anti-trust statute indefinite and mystifying. It has taken twenty years for the supreme court to define the meaning of one of the best and clearest statutes ever drawn. And the meaning which the highest judi cial tribunal in the land finally has given to the anti-trust law leaves it impotent as a criminal statute and in a state of confusion worse con founded. It does more. For, after finding these two trusts to be unmitigated criminals, the court so ruled that they need not pay any penalty in the way of imprisonment or pecuniary restitution. ' Yet this act, now construed in a manner that no one can tell with certainty what is and what is not a violation of the law, thereby making nugatory every criminal phase of the law, was the well-pondered work of one of the ablest groups of constitu tional lawyers and statesmen that ever co-onerated in the framing of a congressional act. It bears Sher man's name. But the senate judici ary committee who drafted the sub stitute for the inadequate Sherman plan in 1890 was composed of such men as Edmunds, Evarts, Ingalls, Hoar, Wilson, of Iowa; Coke, Vest, George and Pugh. Those wise statesmen framed the statute to make what was then the common law within the states of the union applicable to interstate com merce. Inasmuch as our common law is Inherited in whole from Eng land, it was the purpose of those statesmen as is shown by an exami nation of the debates at the time of its passage that the long-established and well-defined principles of the English law, respecting the trust question, would constitute the un deviating guide -for the interpreta tion of the Sherman anti-trust law by the American courts. Quite the most striking feature of the supreme court's rulings in anti trust cases during the succeeding twenty years has been the ignoring Warranted Per Twenty-Five Years. Mfefc sttfck da ner Roof ng Bsseepsss NMwirarivwn hwwiiiiq more Special Irtw t Uhm IH&tM ea rwiiMrt. 01fEPIiT - - Wef Kb X5 lfee 1W Bww Feet, S1.1S per reUL TWO-PL.Y - - - Weighs 45 lbs., 108 Bfpuure Feet, 91.8 per roll. TIIKEE-PIT - Weigh 65 link, 108 ftqetare Feet, 139 per roll. 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