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AUGUST 26; 1911
road and that Senator Martin was ono of tho
railroad agents for the disbursement of that
fund.
"Mr. Thompson will not deny, I think, that a
large sum was contributed by various railroads
which, in tho aggregate, amounted to many
thousands of dollars. Should he do so I shall
be prepared to provo that such was tiie case.
The letters I have already read show that the
Richmond and Danville, Chespeake and Ohio and
the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac rail
roads contributed to this fund. I shall now read
a letter written by Mr. Thompson On November
23, 1891, showing that he had received from the
treasurer of the B. & O. R. R. a check for two
thousand dollars, which on that day he asked
to bo placed in bank to his credit. Will ho say
that this money was contributed by the B. & O.
R. R. for the purpose of preserving Anglo-Saxon
civilization in Virginia? If this money was not
to constitute a part of a yellow dog legislative
fund, for what purpose -was it to be used?
"When Mr. Thompson explains the use to
which this money was placed, I may call upon
him to make a like explanation as to other and
larger contributions.
"But Mr. Thompson says in this remarkable
statement of his that none of the money con
tributed by the railroads, so far as he know3
and believes was given on condition that tho re
cipient or the beneficiary should act in his offi
cial capacity in any particular way. This state
ment raises a question vital to the issue between
Senator Martin and myself.
"If the evidence I have produced has not al
ready established that there was a 'yellow dog'
fund a fund to be used prior to the election
of 1891 in the election of members of the legis
lature who would recognize their obligations
to the railroads when elected and later for tho
purpose of Influencing legislation. I will now
introduce a document which I think will con
vince every doubting Thomas, and put to rest
fpr.ever 'every denial that railroad money was
used, and used directly by the agents of the
railroads. The letter which I will now read to
you was written by the same Mr. Barbour
Thompson. It was written on October 10, 1891,
which was prior to the election, and it establishes
beyond all question or cavil or doubt that Mr.
Thompson and his. agents did not aid democratic
candidates notwithstanding their professed in
terest, in our. Anglo-Saxon civilization, unless
they felt thoroughly satisfied as to ' their
position."
READS HOLLAND LETTER
Mr. Jones then read the letter to Mr. Holland.
The speaker then said:
"Again I ask what explanation will Mr.
Thompson offer as to the direction given by him
to Mr. Holland, who, by the way, was also a
railroad man, that he should not render assis
tance to the two democratic candidates for the
legislature, whose names are mentioned in this
damning letter, unless he was thoroughly satis
fied as to their position. Not how cunningly
this letter is phrased. Although the writer states
that a letter which he had received from one
of the candidates showed very clearly that he
was looking to 'us' for assistance, it also states
that he had written that candidate 'advising him
that I have asked you to see what could be done.'
Mr. Thompson evidently did not think It wise
to send funds to a democratic candidate about
whose 'position' he was in doubt, nor did he
think it prudent to send the money coupled with
a condition. I do not believe that this letter
requires further comment at my handB.
"I think It will be conceded by every honest
and fair-minded man who reads Mr. Thompson's
statement and compares it with the letter I have
just read that it not only does not improve Mr.
Martin's plight, but that it puts both Mr. Mar
tin and Mr. Thompson in most unenviable posi
tions. It not only has a direct bearing upon
the issue raised between Mr. Martin and myself,
which has now become one of veracity and in
tegrity, but it relates to the Lee-Martin investi
gation. "If I mistake not both Senator Martin and
Mr. Thompson testified in that investigation,
and both of them vehemently denounced as false
any and every intimation that railroad funds,
used to assist democratic legislative candidates
in 1895 wero distributed with a view to select
ing candidates favorable to the former. They
stated that these funds were used impartially
and with absolute indifference as to the sena
torial preferences or leanings of the candidates.
'According to their testimony they wore used only
for the purpose of electing a democratic legisla
ture. "If Mr. Thompson Is mistaken in now saying
that the money which ho and Senator Martin
The Commoner.
handled in 1891 was used solely for the pur
pose of electing democratic representatives in
order to preserve our Anglo-Saxon civilization,
as his letter to Mr. Holland clearly demonstrates,
may he not also have been mistaken when ho
testified to tho same effect in tho Lee-Martin
investigation? And had his memory been then
refreshed, as I have now been able to refresh
It, might not tho verdict In that investigation
have been different? Truly Mr. Thompson's
statement opens a wide field for speculation.
"It will hardly bo necessary for mo to pro
duce further documentary evidence to establish
my case.'r
WATCH IT GROW
Mr. Bryan has given instructions that every
new subscriber shall receive Tho Commonor for
a period of twd'yearB (which will carry it be
yond tho presidential election of 1912) for tho
sum of ono dollar. Every Commoner reader is
asked to secure at least ono new subscriber.
Many will bo able to securo more than one.
Everyone, however, may render some aid in
this work.
The following named readers have sent in five
or more subscribers:
J. P. Hedge, Mo.; J. L. Bates, N. Y.; J. L.
Walker, W. Va.; Jas. Daniels, la.; J. J. GufToy,
Pa.; R. B. Brehant, O.; C. S. Gaunt, Mo.; R. L.
Neil, W. Va.; J. Norman, Minn.; Albert White,
Me.; H. A. Hostor, Ind.; Geo. C. Giles, Mo.;
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Collins, N. Y.; G. J. Pillow, D. C; C. W. Rosol,
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W. Terlinde, N. J.; O. D. Rittenhouse, N. D.;
R. M. Laling, Neb.; W. B. Scott, O.; B. Coffin,
Colo.; Z. T. Llttlefield, Tex.; B. Atkinson, Ark.;
R. L. Jacobson, Cal.; Jno. W. Chamblee, Ala.;
H. D. Fortune, 111.; G. W. McWhertor, Tex.; J.
Smith, Wash.; S. F. Hammer, la.; Mrs. E. M.
Coffindaffer, Mo.; W. F. Eddy, Wash.; O. B.
Kbrtright, N. Y.; H. M. Purdy, Neb.; H. W.
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D. Roach, 111.; J. Kinney, Mich.; D. W. Mc
George, Pa.; Jas. Tate, W. Va.; F. Krlsh, Ky.;
W. H. Smith, N. 0.; W. G. Eckert, Pa.; W. I.
Boreman, W. Va.; L. F. Luthy, Mo.; S. A. Beals,
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P. Hudson, Cal.; E. J. Yorus, Minn.; S. A. Clark,
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Francis Kelly, Cal.; J. A. Jenkins, Colo.; S. E.
Hughs, O.; D. Brown, O.; J. W. Colley, Mo.; J.
C Smith, la.; M. M. Lawrence, Ark.; Wm.
Shelby, Ind.; Wm. J. A. Raum, Neb.; F. K.
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EDITORIAL AGItOHATICS
Under the hcadlino, "Editorial Acrobatics"
the Newark (N. J.) Evening News prints tho
following editorial:
Juno 17 the New York World dovoted its load
ing editorial to "Tho Money Monopoly." Re
cently its leading editorial was entitled, "Is
Wilson Bryanizing?" Tho formor was a stout,
well-reasoned defenso of a statomont raado
shortly before by Governor Wilson at Harris
burg, Pa., in which tho governor had guardedly
and judicially indicated tho angor that lies in
tho irresponsible power of concentrated indus
trial credit. Tho latter is ono of tho most extra
ordinary "flops" in tho history of Journalism,
not excepting the performance of tho Now York
Sun, when, In 1904, it leaped In tho interval
between editions, from tho band-wagon of Alton
B. Parker, "tho whlte-pluraod knight," to tho
opposite track of tho political roadbed.
Such deliberate solf-stultlflcation on the part
of a powerful and useful Journal can not credibly
be ascribed to a mere mlschatfce, still less to a
miracle. Like any other natural event, It must
have a sufficient cause.
What, then, is the cause whose effect is so
complete a reversal of editorial opinion?
Two answers, and only two, suggest them
selves. Either both edtorals were written with
equal conviction and in lofty disregard of con
sistency, or else tho Man Higher Up issued tho
command in obedience to which this high and
lofty tumbling is performed for the public ad
miration. But how shall tho public follow so
inconsequential a wisdom in the first case, or
retain respect for newspaper morals in tho
second?
ThG World first insisted that tho "monoy
monopoly" was a very real and present menace,
adducing facts and figures In support of its con
tention. It now dismisses tho whole thing as
tho phantasy of "a master phrase-maker" "with
out regard for tho facts." But, after all, Is not
tho World more convincing in its second man
ner? If its readers still cherished any doubts
as to tho power of the money monopoly Juno 17,
when the World relied on mere logical reason
ing to establish its existence, will not the last
of these, doubts bo relinquished now that palp
able proof is put into their hands?
We are driven, therefore, to tho explanation
which the World aptly applied to another caso
in its editorial of June 17. This explanation
reads:
"Unless common report Is mistaken, tho
governor is already on tho monopoly's blacklist
and it has decided that ho would not bo a proper
candidate for president of the United States."
CONCENTRATED CONTROL OF WEALTH
Speaking at Harrisburg, Pa., in a gathering
of democrats, Governor Woodrow Wilson, of
New Jersey, said:
"The plain fact Is that tho control of credit
Is dangerously concentrated .In this country.
The money resources of tho country aro not at
tho command of those who do not submit to
the direction and domination of small groups
of capitalists who wish to keep the economic
development of tho country under their own oyo
and guidance. Tho great monopoly in this
country Is the money monopoly. So long as that
exists our old variety and freedom and indi
vidual energy of development aro out of tho
question. Our system of credit Is concentrated.
Tho growth of the nation, therefore, and all
our activities, are in tho hands of a few men,
even if their actions be honest and intended for
the public interest, are necessarily concentrated
on the great undertakings In which their money
is involved and who necessarily, by every
reason of their own limitations, chill and check
and destroy genuine economic freedom. This is
the greatest question of all and to this states
men must address01 themselves with an earnest
determination to serve the long future and the
true liberties of'men."
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