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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 4, 1911)
.i-wjr -rWTJfX , The Commoner, 11 'AUGUST '4, 1911 statement was couched In diplomatic though not reassuring language. At tho very opening he said: "It is ohvlous that this Moroccan question has reached a point at which it will become increasingly difficult, embar rassing and anxious unless a solution is found." Later ho said: "We thought it right from tho beginning to make clear that, failing of a settlement such as I have indicated, we must become an active party In the discussion of tho situation. That would be our right as a signatory to tho treaty of Algeciras, as it might be our obligation under the terms of our agreement of 1904 with France. It might be our duty in defense of British Interests directly affected by further developments." WASHINGTON NEWS The interstate commerce commis sion handed down a decision in tho Pacific coast freight cases, In -which tho right of railroads to meet water competition is recognized, and tho way rates shall be made is outlined. A Seagirt, N. J., dispatch carried by the Associated Press, says: Tak ing cognizance of an alleged denun ciation of Governor Woodrow Wil son by James R. Nugent, chairman of the democratic state committe, at a private dinner of politicians, nine of the twenty-one members of the committee drafted a formal demand for the resignation of Chairman Nu gent. The bitterness of Nugent against Governor Wilson, it Is stated, dates back to the recent senatorial fight. Nugent's remarks were meant only for the company present, he as serted, but they obtained publicity and created a' stir among other mem bers. Governor Wilson refused to be drawn into any discussion of the affair. BRYAN'S DICTATORSHIP Chairman Underwood's verbal as sault upon Bryan as a dictator has an unfortunate tendency to confirm a conjecture that he may have fallen under the Bailey influence an in fluence which in the last analysis is that of the protected interests. It may have been only the careless ex pression of a momentary irritability. Let us hope so. But charges of poli tical dictatorship against Bryan have a suspicious significance, no matter who utters them; for this kind of warfare upon Bryan originated with the plutocratic elements in the demo cratic party. It is an accusation that can not be. made by any one in good faith. How can a man be a political dictator who holds no public office, who holds no party chairmanship, who belongs to no inside clique, who has no big business afllliations, who can not pull a single secret wire in politics, whoso only political power is the confidence which a vast majority of the masses of his party repose in his fidelity? Bryan's political power has no other source nor support than that well earned confidence. Ho hasn't any longer even dubious power of a pos sible candidate for the presidency, for he has distinctly declared his in tentidns on that score. That the power such a man as Bryan has Is to be dreaded by some kind of poli tical managers is true enough; but not by any of the kind with whom we still wish to - identify Chairman Underwood. The test, however, of all such political managers is that they, as Mr. Underwood seems to have done, mistake the wholesome power of a trusted leader for the dangerous dictatorship of a boss. The Public. A special dispatch to tho Louisville Courier-Journal says: "A roar echoed through the financial world when, drawing in his lino of skir mishers, Representative A. O. Stan ley, chairman of the steel investi gating committee of tho house, opened fire with his big guns on tho "steel trust." He abandoned cir cumstantial evidence of violation of the Sherman anti-trust act and ex ploded a shell under the United States Steel corporation and its allies by putting in evidence a copy of an actual contract to pool prices and distribute business drawn by the Carnegie and ten other companies manufacturing steel plate, including so-called independents. Two highly important facts stood out prominent ly in tho hearing and put to route the legal generals of the steel com bine, who objected to the introduc tion of the agreement on tho ground that it was made before the United States Steel corporation was formed, and it had never been signed. In the first place, witnesses were put on the stand who swore under oath that the agreement was kept generally in spirit and in many instances by tho letter for several years after tho documents had been returned un signed. In the second placev the con tract on its face shows that although it was drafted in November, 1900, it was to remain in full force and effect at least through 1902, a year after the organization of the United States Steel corporation. EXPLAINING IT A man was recently fined for assaulting a policeman, and consider ing himself badly treated, made abu sive remarks about the court as he was leaving the dock. An officer was sent to bring him back, and he was again fined, this time for contempt of court. "My friend," said tho magistrate, "if you had been more chaste and refined in your language you would not have been chased and re-fined." kTho Pathfinder. should control In all such inquiries. Tho senate does not obsorve such rules, but admits all kinds of matter. I can not sco my way clear to decido a caso of such magnitudo on such a basis, and thoroforo have tendered my resignation as a member of the committee." Tho sub-committeo of tho senate committee on privileges and elec tions appointed to consider tho charges against Senator Stephenson of Wisconsin, held a preliminary meeting but did no business beyond mapping out tho first Btago of tho work to bo done. Following is a dispatch to the Louisville Courier-Journal: That, through oral agreements, steel manu facturers now keep up prices and avoid "destructive competition" just as effectively as they did under the iron-clad contract of the American Steel Plate association, from 1900 to 1904, practically was admitted by A. F. Huston, president of the Lukens Iron and Steel company, before the house "steel trust". Investigating committee. Claus A. Spreckles told the con gressional committee investigating the so-called. "sugar trust" that H. O. Havemeyjer and the American Sugar Refining company interest caused the break which existed be tween him and his father and brother for fifteen years. After a conference on the joint resolution for the election of United States senators by direct vote of the people the representatives of both houses of congress expressed confi dence that ultimately there would be an agreement. An Associated Press dispatch from Washington says: "Because he does not believe in the senate's method of takiner testimony in Investigations, Senator Bailey resigned from the committee on privileges and elec tions. He made no explanation to the senate and the resignation was accepted without comment. To his friends Mr. Bailey said afterwards that he could not consent tn ATitfir on the work reauired In the investigation of the charges against Senator Stephenson. "I have been appointed on the sub committee to consider the Stephenson case," he said. "My conviction Is that the strict rules of evidence By a combination of democrats and insurgent republicans tho senate passed by a vote of 43 to 32 a com promise wool revision bill offered by La Follette. This was passed after the senate had defeated the original La' Follette bill and the house bill. Concerning this measure the As sociated Press says: Tho bill as passed by the senate was drawn by Senator La Follette and was a compromise between tho Underwood bill which passed tho democratic house and tho original La Follette bill, both of which wore forced out of tho way by decisive votes before tho new measure was adopted. Somo Idea of tho compromise may be had from tho proposed rates on raw wool. Tho house bill proposed a rate of 25 per cent ad valorem. Tho original La Follette bill proposed 40 per cent. The compromise fixes the rate at 35. It is predicted that tho conferences will put It at 30. Tho progressive program is to re main in session until action may bo had on the several schedules named. In view of tho action on. wool and the contemplated action on cotton somo of the progressive senators havo urged tho importance of an im mediate reduction on machinery and chemicals because of tho bearing of these cchedules on the manufacture of cotton and woolens. The agreement under which tho wool bill was put through extends to the farmers' free list, now on the senate calendar and the passage of that measuro in modified form seemed assured. The plan is either to place the various measures on the free list bill as amendments or have the house take up the schedules as independent bills. The progressive republicans are willing to proceed .in either way, but they prefer tho separate system. Tho democratic senators are neither so unanimous nor so enthusiastic as the Insurgent republicans for a con tinued revision. They say that much will depend upon tho president's at titude, and some of them predict early adjournment In case tho presi dent vetoes the wool bill. Others will contend for the right of the house to originate all tariff bills and will oppose the Indirect method of organization through tho amendment of a house bill covering other schedules, as does the free list bill. It has been suggested that after the disposition in conference of the wool, cotton and free list bills, there should be a recess of a month or six weeks to permit the ways and means committee to proceed with its work. The Important features of the new La Follette bill compared with the present law and tho Underwood house bill are shown In tho follow ing: Raw wool, first class: Wool on skins, present law, 57.71 per cent ad valorem; Underwood, 20 per cent; La Follette, 30 per cent. Wool not on skins, present law, 47.24 per cent; Underwood, 20 por cent; LaFol lotto, 35 per cent. Raw wool, second class: Present law, 44.98 por cont; UndorWood, 20 per cont; La Follotto, 10 per cont. Top wasto, etc.: Present,' 98.9.1 por cont; Underwood, 20 por cont; La Follotto, 25 per cont. Shoddy, noils, otc: Procont, it por cont; Underwood, 20 por cent; La Follotto, 25 per cont. Woolen rags, mungo, otc: Present 34 per cont; Underwood, 20 por cent; La Follotto, 25 per cent. Combed tops, present, 111 por cent; Underwood, 25 por cont; La Follotto, 40 por cont. Yarns: Presont, 76. C3 por cent; Underwood, 30 por cont; La Follotto, 45 por cent. Yarns: Present, 70. G3 per cent; Underwood, 30 por cont; La Follette, 45 per cent. Blankets and flannels: Present, 95.42 por cont; Underwood, 30 per cent; La Follotto, 55 por cont. Clothes, dress goods, fabrics and woolen cloth: Presont, 96.74 per cent; Underwood, 45 per cent; La Follette, 55 por cent. Carpets: Presont 50 por cont: Underwood, 25 per cent; La Follette, 35 per cont. Mats and rugs: Presont, 62.95 por cont; Underwood, 50 por cent; La Follotto, 35 per cont. "Tho situation is entirely to our liking," said Chairman Penrose of tho flnanco committee Wo are satisfied tho president would veto any bill that can bo sent to him within a rango prescribed and wo shall pro ceed next winter with whatever tariff revision may bo necessary. Then wo shall havo tho tariff board's report and can work intelligently." Tho passage of tho bill came aftor a defeat of tho Underwood houso bill, 44 to 36, on almost a party vote, and aftor tho original La Follotto houso bill had been voted down with only tho republican insurgents in its favor. Having secured a voto on the Underwood bill, as prdvldcd by tho r house, democrats then supported a motion made by Senator La Follotto to reconsider tho voto by which their bill was defeated. As soon as tho motion to recon sider had been carried, Mr. LaFol letto offered his compromise. Ho said ho represented a reduction of tho duties in his previous amend ment. Tho democrats acepted it as the best that had been obtained. All insurgents but Borah, Idaho; Dixon, Montana, and Jones, Washington, voted for tho compromise bill, while the democrats were unanimous in their support of it. The senate has passed the Warren bill, allowing homestead claimants in drouth-stricken districts of Wyom ing, tho Dakotas and Nebraska to leave their lands until April 15, 1912, without loss of any of their rights. An Associated Pres dispatch says: The sensational charge was made be fore tho house committee investigat ing tho postofflco department that Leonard Goodwin, a Chicago lawyer and brother of Russell P. Goodwin, assistant attorney-general for the postofflco department was exploiting mail order houses throughout tho country telling them ho could ar range any trouble they might have through a denial of mail privileges, etc. The charge was made by E. G. Lewis, president of a publishing company in St. Louis, recently denied the second class mall privileges. Lewis also declarod that postofflco inspectors had been told to use what ever methods they pleased, "to put Lewis out of business" and "to shut Lewis up before the next campaign." This was the campaign of 1908. Foliowlng Is an Associated Press dispatch: President Taft sent a special message to the senate shoul- 4 )