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The Commoner;
JULY 21.. 1J11
lit
must lie In breaking down section
alism and appealing to the broad
patriotism of the wholo people.
For' us to make the state control
of senatorial elections a condition of
permitting popular election of sena
tors., wpuld be ba.d in law and worse
in politics. As a practical means of
protection to the whites of the south,
in the event we should ever need
such protection, it would scarcely be
worth a continental.
We have had white supremacy
since we emerged from reconstruc
tion, and we intend to hold on to it.
Our people are united on that. The
only real difference is that some of
us believe that in the long reach of
events the best wiy to preserve our
racial supremacy is to treat the negro
honestly as an American citizen
under the constitution, while some
others appear to prefer a less com
mendable method of procedure.
Let us not act as if we were out
Bide the union. Wo are back in our
"fathers' house" to stay.. Let us
snow mat tne soutn is an integral,
living,- energizing part of our com
mon country, ready in a generous
Bpirit of patriotism to think and act
for the common good.
Why should we permit this, sec
tional bugbear of imperiled white su
nremacy to defeat this almost
triumphant movement in behalf of
the great masses of the people?
It is more like stating a truism
than venturing a prophecy, to say
that the American people, either now
or in the near future, are going to
force popular elections of senators
by the individual states. The only
open question is, whether they are
going to elect enough democrats to
surrender federal control according to
the house plan, or elect enough re
publicans to retain federal control,
according to the. senate plan. Who
doubts which plan will succeed?
For a nation with our history be
hind it to knowingly at this stage
Increase state power at the expense
of long established federal power
would surely be a political anachro
nism. The controlling forces are
pulling in the opposite direction.
"The stars in their courses fought
against Sisera." So will it be with
southern democracy when it under
takes to force the nation to surren
der to the states a power given it by
the fathers in 1787.
Apparently the wisest course for
house democrats to pursue would be
to recede from their position and
vote for the resolution as it came
from the senate. A great many of
their constituents would endorse such
a course.
liAFOLIiETTE ASSAILS TAFT
Senator La Follette, of Wisconsin,
delivered a. scathine speech in the
senate July 13th and 14th, assail
ing President Taft. Referring on
the first day to the Canadian reci
procity measure Senator La Follette
said:
"Considered as a' measure of reci
procity it violates every tariff prin
cinlo of reciDrocity heretofore ex
pressed in the platform declarations
of 'the republican party ana recom
mended by former republican presi
dents. Considered as a tariff bill,
it violates every tariff principle and
platform promise upon which Wil
liam H. Taft was elected president.
"In the beginning, it was heralded
as a blessing to the consumers; so
was the tariff bill of 1909. It
promised to reduce duties for the
benefit of the neonle. It reduces no
duties, the effect of which can ever
reach the people, but it does reduce
duties for the millers, the packers,
Standard Oil, the brewers, the coal
combines and in some measure for
the already grossly protected in
terests. It is nothing that it pre
tends to be and professes tobe noth
ing that it is. It is a little brother
to the Payne-Aldrlch bill, tho great
est legislative wrong inflicted upon
the American people In half a cen
tury." Tho speaker said that the pending
legislation, on tho Canadian act was
so "related to the strange course of
Mr, Taft upon the tariff question and
the protective policies which ho was
elected to maintain," that the real,
stable worth of his rcommendations
could not be fairly judged without
reviewing tho more important issues
involved in his election and the most,
important acts of his administration.
Continuing his criticism of Mr.
Taft's administration Senator La
Follette said:
"Through tho first pages of his
general message, he found no space
to say a word for the great measures
that had made the name of his pre
decessor revered and loved every
where in the United States. Is it to
be wondered at that the republican
voter in 1910 felt that he had several
scores to settle? A president whom
he" had elected and whom he believed
to be the custodian of the Roosevelt
policies, dismissed the Roosevelt cabi
net and appointed, in their places
men, in tho main, of known hostility
to these policies.
"In all the record of this adminis
tration, no more glaring example is
presented of the complete surrender
to special interests and the complete
reversal of Roosevelt's progressive
policies than that shown in dealings
with tho amendments to the inter
state commerce act. It would have
been difficult to have framed a piece
of legislation affecting interstate
commerce more harmful to the pub
lic interest than the bill drafted by
the attorney general and recom
mended to congress by President
Taft."
After reviewing tho declaration of
the republican platform of 1908 on
conservation, Mr. La Follette went
into the record of the Ballinger--Pinchot
controversy and the general
administration of the interior de
partment down to the recent disposal
of the Cunningham claims.
"The congressional Investigation
of the Alaskan coal scandal," he said,
'.'confirmed the public opinion which
had early reached the stage of con
viction that Ballinger was using his
official power to aid tho Morgan
Guggenheim interests in wrongfully
acquiring control of the Alaskan
coal fields. The subsequent history
of 'the Alaskan coal lands scandal
simply confirms the bad faith and
betrayal of public interest which the
earlier testimony so clearly estab
lished. "Heir to the Roosevelt policies as
presidential candidate, Mr. Taft was
a pronounced progressive and the
leading and most enthusiastic Roose
velt champion from the first to the
last of the campaign. Three months
after he was inaugurated he seemed
to have forgotten that there ever had
been any well known Roosevelt poli
cies. He had no sooner taken his
oath of office than he sacrificed the
progressive cause for the support of
Aldrich and Cannon and their re
actionary program.
"Reciprocity is a popular catch
word. The president seized upon it.
He made an executive compact the
basis, not of a reciprocity treaty, but
of a tariff bill. Upon this false basis
he seeks to force it through congress
without amendment or change. As a
treaty it should have come to the
senate for ratification. As a tariff
bill, it should have been considered
by the 'house and senate with due
regaTd to every Industry affected and
subject to whatever amendment is
required to make it just and fair
legislation.
"In letter and In spirit this meas
ure violates every principle and'
promise in the republican platform,
express or implied, and every printed
or spoken word and inducement em
ployed to secure tho votes neces
sary to elect William H. Taft. This
bill and tho Canadian pact are cruelly
unjust to thirty-throe million peoplo
engaged and dependent upon agricul
ture. Since tho president's admission
At Indianapolis, on July 4 that tho
bill promises nothing for tho con
sumer, tho real parties to profit aro
boginnlng to bo a littlo more clearly
distinguishable.
"Joined with tho executive to force
this bill through congress are tho
newspapers, frankly admitting their
selfish interest, amounting to many
millions of dollars; the railroads, the
other protected manufacturers and
practically every trust and combina
tion backed by Morgan and Morgan
influence."
STAR OF BAILEY WANES
Tho following dispatch wan sent
to tho Denver Times by its Washing
ton correspondent, John Callan
O'Laughlin:
"Washington, July 13. (Special.)
The star of Joseph Weldon Bailey,
the Intellectual leader of the senate
democracy, is waning. No longer is
Mr. Bailey permitted to speak un
challenged for his democratic col
leagues. His assumption of tho office
of spokesman is being repudiated
daily, his statements aTo criticised
and even denied and his opinions are
flouted.
The Tqxan has been placed in such
a position by the verbal assaults of
his colleagues that hereafter he will
bo regarded merely as one of tho
senators from tho Lone Star state,
and as expressing his own views
rather than those of tho combinod
democracy In the senate.
His support has dwindled to two
senators Simmons of North Caro
lina and Thornton of Louisiana. To
these three men has been derisely
applied the appellation of the Threo
Musketeers, with Bailey as Athos,
Simmons as Aramis and Thornton as
Porthos.
It has been apparent for some
time that the fall of Mr. Bailey was
Impending. Equipped with a superb
mentality, a gifted orator and able
to handle himself effectively in de
bate, there were few senators, until
tho present congress, disposed to
cross swords with Jiim. His adroit
ness in emerging unscathed from an
unfortunate position he had adopted,
his quickness in turning verbal
somersaults and his alternate use
of irony and pathos, of sarcasm and
appeal have been a source of ad
miration to the senate and the gal
leries and of confusion to those who
Interrupted him.
The Texan never has been troubled
by the need of being consistent, and
his course in the senate has been
marked by astonishing about-faces,
which in the case of a man of weaker
mentality, would have precipitated
his political ruin at once.
The first serious blow Mr. Bailey's
assumption of leadership suffered
was in connection with the Lorimer
case last winter, when only ten demo
crats voted with him to retain the
Illinois boss in the senate. The
Texan was unable to hold even this
following on March A, when, at the
instance of Senator Owen of Okla
home, the senate voted on the propo
sition to approve the constitutions
of Arizona and New, Mexico. Only
two democrats voted with Bailey, and
the Texan became so piqued that he
resigned his office as senator, but
upon reflection withdrew his resig
nation a few hours later.
Senator Stone of Missouri has al
ways been a thorn In the side of
Bailey and never has hesitated to
question the Texan's democracy.
The new democratic senators, who
assumed their seats at the beginning
of the present extra session, have
followed the tactics of Mr. Stone,
with the result that Mr. Bailey is
being subjected to some rough
handling In debate Ho early 'an-
nounccd his opposition to tho- Ga-;
nadian reciprocity agreornont, r but
has been able to obtain only, to fo
crults Simmons and Thorntotfc. .
Tho Texan has found, himself as-
sailed by Reed of Missouri, Hitch
cock of Nebraska and others, and
yesterday found his democracy at
tacked by John Sharp Wllllahis of
Mississippi. Mr. Williams has not
tho smooth oratorical flow of Bailoy,
but ho Is unquestionably one of tho
best rough and ready dobaters In
elthor branch of congress. While a
member of tho house he had amplo
opportunity for practice and as mi
nority leader made a record which
proved of valuo to tho democracy,.
Mr. Williams and Mr. Bailey dif
fer on tho tariff, and Mr. Williams,
who Is a deop student and a man of
wide reading, Is undoubtedly better
Informed on tills question than Is
tho Texan. Moreover, ho Is a good
lawyer and has a lot of nerve.
The results of the bouts up to date
have been favorable to tho MIssls
slpplan and tho ntl-Balloy demo
crats, who having been looking for
soracono ablo to copo with tho Texan,
are wearing broad smiles of satisfac
tion. From now on It may bo ex
pected that daily sessions of tho
senate will bo enlivened by frequent
tilts between Mr. Williams and Mr.
Bailey.
Tho men opposed to the latter
make no secret of their purpose to
expose his democracy and to make It
clear to tho country that he Is not
their representative and that If he
claims to be he is making a falso
representation.
MARTIN OF VIRGINIA IS NOW
EXPLAINING
(Continued from Page 12.)-
by him at Woodstock In support of
his charge that Senator Martin had
been tho distributor of tho "yellow
dog" funds of tho railroads of Vir
ginia, Representative William A.
Jones said that ho hardly saw a
reason for tho production of further
evidence. Tho First district con
gressman was In Richmond on his
way to Surry courthouse, where ho
was to make a speech.
He had not decided whether or
not he would produce at Surry some
additional letters which are in his
possession, and which bear on the
same subject. Probably, he said, ho
would not complete his speech until
later.
"Since reading Senaltor Martin's
reply," said Mr. Jones, "I hardly
see the necessity for the publication
of any more of these letters, 1 am
satisfied with tho effect they have
produced. I may or may. not read
additional letters at Surry."
$Mxunf Jfflverflsiita jjtyu
This department Is for the benefit
of Commonor BUb3cribcrs,and a special
rate of six cents a word per Insertion
the lowest rate has been made for
them. Address all communications to
The Commoner. Lincoln. Nebraska.
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