The Commoner.
SJULY .7, 1111
Tli whole defenio of the reciprocity bill hss
been that It was intended by the president to
break down the wall of high protection and
permit greater freedom of trade, and therefor
greater individual opportunity.
PRESIDENT IS UNCHANGED
But the reciprocity bll! and the president's
utterances In its favor become absolutely absurd.
In the light of his announced purposo to aid the
financial combination, the sublimation of special
privilege in legislation and government, in
fastening the shackles of tho Aldrich banking
scheme upon the nation.
His speech of last night shows that the presi
dent stands just where he did eighteen months
ago, with respect to Aldrich and the plans
formed by the money power against the inde
pendent business and industry of the country.
The fact that the speech Is so strikingly like
speeches made heretofore by A. Piatt Andrew,
the assistant secretary of the treasury, who is
also one of the hired men of Aldrlch's mone
tary commission, as to suggest that It was writ
ten by Andrew, affects the situation not at all,
for it can make no difference whether the presi
dent expressed his own views or those prepared
for him by an Aldrich agent, since their utter
ance places him absolutely on the Aldrich-Mor-gan
side and makes him part of the organized
machine by which the schemers hope to impose
their legislative monstrosity upon the American,
people.
In making this speech the president has pro
duced an effect upon the situation here that
will become more marked from now on. He has
made his reciprocity bill the most patent false
pretense. Not even Senator Penrose will be
able to argue that the president is actuated by
the slightest public spirit when he advocates
reciprocity for the general public and control
Qf all money and credit and, therefore, of all
business, for the special privilege combination
headed by Morgan.
WALL STREET HIS PLATFORM
The president has clearly thrown off the mask,
although there is suspicion that he does not
know he has done so. It is no longer possible
to cite the appointment of "Walter Fisher as sec
retary of the Interior or Stimson as secretary
of war or the reciprocity bill as evidences of his
progresslveness.
For these evidences, weak and unconvincing
In the first place, are all destroyed by his align
ment with the Aldrich money power forces.
The country knows now that, as a candidate
for renomination and re-election, the president
stands as the candidate whose success will mean
the success of the Aldrich monetary plan.
The country can not fail to recognize also
that Mr. Taft is the candidate of these forces,
exerting himself as president and as a pros
pective president to make effective the hardest
blow that was ever aimed at the welfare of the
American people.
A Republican Newspaper on "Bryanism"
OLLTE JAMES WELL BE THE NEW SENATOR
PAYNTER WITHDRAWS
Senator Thomas H. Paynter, of Kentucky has
withdrawn from the contest for re-election. This
means that Representative Ollie James" will be
the next United States senator from Kentucky.
A Washington dispatch to the Louisville
Courier-Journal says: "When Representative
Ollie M. James returns here he will find him
self the liero of the hour. No news of the poli
tical world which has been published in Wash
ington for a long time has been so much dis
cussed as the small item in the morning papers
announcing that Senator T. H. Paynter had
withdrawn from the Kentucky senatorial con
test. The fight between James and Paynter had
attracted unusual Interest here, because of the
fact that both are in congress and because the
capital observers whether accurately or not
are trying to discover what effect the Lorlmer
case is having upon the voters in various states.
"The Kentucky primary for senator between
one of Lorlmer's supporters and a professed
antl-Lorimer opponent was being awaited with
anxiety both by the friends and foes of the
accused Illinoisla-n. The next primary in which
the matter Is an issue occurs in-North Carolina
between Senator Simmons, who voted for Lori-
WHAT ARE THE WELD WAVES
SAYING?
ASK PAYNTER OP KENTUCKY
HE 3CNOWS.
-
The Sioux City (Iowa) Journal, republican:
When Bryan began running for president lie
was an impossible candidate, although none of
us thought so during the first half of that
memorable 189 C campaign. The country had
been In the habit of looking to a third party
for such radicalism as Bryan then induced tho
democratic party to stand for. Business was
thoroughly frightened when it found one of tho
two great parties talcing up tho theories of
populism. It administered to the Bryan leader
ship an emphatic and comprehensive rebuke.
The defeat did not, however, kill Bryan or his
influence with the democratic party. Ho was
back at tho front again in 1900, and again the
fear of his radicalism worked his undoing. The
passing of Bryan was duly recorded, and it was
cheerfully assumed that "Bryanism," as it was
then called, was dead for aU time. But Bryan
was not dead. He slept through tho campaign
of 1904, when his party again took the conser
vative side of the street, but that year the coun
try went radical by a large majority, to tho profit
of Roosevelt. By that time tho seeds of radi
calism planted by Bryan were beginning to put
forth blossoms. Roosevelt saw it, and Bryan
saw it. '
Looking back, one is inclined to marvel that
Bryan was not elected in 1908. Evidently lie
was defeated partly through force of habit, and
partly because of confusion in the minds of the
voters. The public got Taft and Roosevelt
mixed. Roosevelt had stirred up a great wavo
of enthusiasm for the Bryan policies. Taft was
offered as the Roosevelt candidate. Taft was
a natural conservative, or at most a moderate.
The republican platform in the main was con
servative. In spite of the fact that Bryan, tho
original radical, was bidding for votes on a
really radical democratic platform, a good share
of the radical vote went trailing after the RooBe
velt band. Added to the conservative strength
that Taft naturally held, this made Bryan's
third defeat more disastrous than either of the
previous ones. Bryan had been sure of election.
He was dazed over the outcome, and in the light
of after events it really was amusing.
No sooner had Taft assumed the presidency
'than tho country began clamoring that he act
just as Bryan would liave been expected to act.
The country demanded, not the kind of tariff
revision promised in the republican platform,
but tho kind promised by Bryan. Taft tried
to got through a rational railroad regulation
measure, but tho radicals would have nono of It.
Thoy wanted such a measure as Bryan would
have approved. Presently all of tho progressive
magazines and newspapers wore criticising Taft.
Even his sponsor, Roosevelt, turned agalngt hhn.
Why? BocauBo Taft was not radical enough
because, in other words, ho waB not like Bryan.
The radicals in tho republican party split away
from the Taft leadership and voted with Bryan'3
party in congress. The republican party in
many states fell into a state of disorganization
that made democratic victory last fall. There
was overy indication that the criticism of Taft
had popular sympathy. What did this mean
except that the country had made a nilBtakc in
electing Taft Instead of Bryan, the real radical?
Since tho ferment Taft has been trying to
make himself more radical. He has succeeded
only indifferently. Ho will he renominated next
year, and will bo supported by tho conservative
element. With this as near to a political cer
tainty as anything can well bo in politics a year
in advance of its occurrence, tho "democratic
party Is looking for a Biire enough radical to
oppose Taft. If It can got tho right man It
confidently believes he can he elected over Taft
by as largo a majority as Taft had over Bryan
In tho confused campaign of 1908. Tho talk
now Is that Woodrow Wilson Is tho right man
if ho can secure tho indorsement of Bryan.
Wilson Is a former conservative who turned
radlc.il after radicalism had been made fash
ionable through tho initiative of Bryan.
Here wo are again up against the proposition
that Bryan has boon thrice nominated and thrlco
defeated. But his first two defeats were duo
to the fact that he was running at the wrong
time. His radicalism was far ahead of the
public temper. His last defeat was a mistake
on tho part of the public rather than a mistake
in nominating Bryan. In 1908 the public did
not realize how radical It was. But now tho
times have caught up with Bryan. The atmos
phere has cleared. The seed Bryan sowed la
bearing fruit. Folks eat it eagerly when offered
by Roosevelt or LaFollcttc or Wilson or Champ
Clark. They berate Taft because ho doesn't
give them more of It. They insist that nothing
shall prevent them from having a real radical
for president after 1912.
mer, and candidates who announce their belief
in the guilt of the man whom the senate, by a
margin of six "votes, ordered retained in his seat.
"Again, those who discussed the Kentucky pri
mary hailed it as a contest between tho type of
senate conservative represented by Paynter
and house radical personified in James. For
a time Virginia bade fair to stage a similar
affray in the four-cornered race between Repre
sentative Carter Glass and W. A. Jones against
Senators Martin and Swanson. But both sena
tors voted against Lorimer and haye been vot
ing of late against Senator Bailey, who heads
the senate conservatives and who is a close per
sonal friend of Senator Paynter.
"For all these' reasons the news of Paynter's
withdrawal furnished all the democrats with
political gossip. Many who talked of it pri
vately declined to rush into print with their
views.
"On the whole, it can safely be stated that
the senate -conservatives were displeased with
the James victory, while the house members
hailed it with congratulation for the big Ken
tuckian." There need not be great mystery over this
withdrawal. Mr. Paynter has evidently been
feeling the public pulse. His attitude on many
questions has lost him many supporters and his
fight for Lorimer was the last straw.
There are a few other Lorimer senators who
would confer a great service upon their party
if they should retire.
TAIONG OVER THE EXPRESS COMPANIES
Washington, D. C, June 14. The cub-com-mltee
on postofflces and postroads met today and
took up for consideration the Lewis bill, which
provides for condemning and purchasing the
express companies and adding them to the postal
system, and establishing a complete system for
the quick transport of packages and the eatable
products of the farm and truck garden, etc. At
their last conference In Washington the repre
sentatives of the business men of the country
and the farmers' granges asked congress to
establish such a system, and representatives of
these interests were present at tho hearing
before the committee today.
"There are two main reasons why the express
companies must be added to tho postal system,"
said Mr. Lewis, In his argument. "First, tho
express company service does not reach beyond
the railways to the country or the farmers,
which the post office does, through the rural
free delivery, which is waiting .with empty
wagons to receive the express packages and take
them to the country stores and the farmers, and
carry back to the towns and the cities the pro
duce of the farms and truck gardens for tho
people to eat, at living prices. Second, the con
tracts of the express companies with the rail
ways give them an average transportation rato
of three quarters of a cent a pound; and with
this rate the express charges by post would be
reduced from two-thirds to one-half on parcels
ranging Irom 5 pounds to 50 pounds, and about
28 per cent on heavier weights, as a consequence
of the co-ordination of the express company
plants with the postofllce and rural delivery,
and the elimination of the express company
profits, which are averaging over 50 per cent
on the investment.
"The express companies are positive hin
drances and obstacles to tho business of the
country. The average charge for carrying a ton
of express in Argentina is $6.51, and for the
countries of Europe $4.12, while tho average
express company charge in the United States
is $31.20. They charge five times as much to
carry a ton of express as a ton of freight in
other countries. Here tho express companies
charge sixteen times as much. Of course, these
charges simply prohibit by half or more of the
traffic in the United States. Our average is
less than one hundred pounds per capita, while
that of the other countries is more.
"We can not have an efficient parcels post.
The government can not conduct it on mail rail
way transportation rates, at over four cents a
pound, in competition with the express com
panies' paying but three-fourths of a cent a'
111
m
'
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