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How? Gfegorz "Sfooc Pa
George Judson King, in Tw entieth Century Magazine
i" if
Whatever may be the status of public
opinion, elsewhere as to the merits or demerits
of the direct primary, the election of United
States senators by a vote of the people, the
initiative and referendum and tho recall, it may
now be put down as a settled fact that they
"have come to stay" in Oregon. The last elec
tion furnished final evidence, and the most
virulent opponents of the new order of things
freely admit It. The descendants of the men
and women who traveled three thousand miles
in ox-carts to found this stato will, with true
Anglo-Saxon instinct, hold whatever measure of
power over the affairs of their government they
have secured and will add more.
The issue which determined the selection of
a democratic governor in this overwhelming re
publican state was not national, such as a revolt
against the Payne-Aldrich taTiff bill. It was
not even partisan. It was "assemblyisin." And
"assemblyism" meant to the voters of Oregon
a well planned, powerfully organized attempt
on the part of the old bi-partisan machine, which
once ruled the state, to overthrow tho whole
"system" established by the people, and especi
ally the direct election of United States senators
by the famous statement number one method.
The Hon. Jay Bowerman, the republican can
didate for governor, when the president of the
state senate had favored and voted for this
proposed "assembly plan," which was little more
than the old convention system of nominations
under a new name. It was defeated but not
killed. The leading state paper later announced
editorially that: "The republicans of Oregon
Intend to repudiate statement one. They intend
to. suggest in assembly or convention candidates
for the primary, and will put the knife into
each and all who declare for statement one."
Thus spoke the old leaders, and the republican
rank and file immediately awakened to the
serious import of the situation. The. leaders
held their assembly as a sort of object lesson
to- the people, made their- "suggestions," and
when the smoke of the primary election' had
rolled from the field a vast majority of the
"assembly candidates'' were, found to havo been
defeated. ' Mr. Bowerman was, however, nomi
nated, thanks to a divided field and powerful
support. Not far had the campaign progressed
when Mr. Bowerman discovered "what a' fatal
blunder had been made and came out strongly
as a statement one candidate. "But too late;
and Oswald West, the democratic nominee, al
ways a firm supporter of the whole group of
methods, involved in the "Oregon plan," re
ceived 35,000 votes which normally would have
gone to a republican, and was elected.
Other candidates were wiser in their day and
generation, and a traveler in Oregon who is a
thoughtful observer of telephone poles, barn
doors and wayside trees, may still see displayed
numberless lithographs bearing the magic words,
"Vote for ANTI-Assembly candidate
for well, anything, from dog-catcher
to state senator. A large majority of the newly
elected legislature is of this persuasion, but in
that body will appear only seven democrats.
Of one piece with the assembly plan was the
proposal, also aided by Mr. Bowerman, and sub
mitted to the people, to revise the constitution.
No doubt that document needs revision. It has
not been renovated since 1851, and to this day
carries the provision that negroes cannot vote,
and other archaic things. But looming larger
than this need in the minds of the people was
the fact that the men most earnest about "re
vision" wore noted opponents of the initiative
-anti referendum, which is held as the founda
tion, of the whole popular system. The voters
believed they scented a scheme afoot to frame
a new constitution and "leave the initiative out"
Hather revise by amendment from yra- to year,
said they, and the vote on the new coustitution
stood: Yes, 23,142; no, 59,065; majority
against, 36,831. So it too went the way of
assemblyism.
Oregon may be regarded as a sort of political
experiment station. A new method of political
action, is being tried out that of direct partici
pation by the jpeople, with the legislature, in
enacting laws.
As a result, an Oregon campaign is an in
teresting affair. One hears something besides
the interminahle "party" din, the trumpeting
of the virtues and vices of candidates, the usual
tom-tom and fireworks. Of course these things
obtain, but in addition a vast deal of attention
is paid to "the measures;" they divide honors
with tho candidates.
Sometimes it is known a year and a half in
advance that a certain question will bo up for
decision at tho following election. All petitions
for proposed laws must bo filed four months
prior to election day. Then begins tho educa
tional campaign in tho newspapers, debating
societies "and among the statesmen assembled at
grocery stores. About a month before voting
day there goes forth from tho secretary of stato
to each voter, through tho mails, tho publicity
pamphlet, in which aro printed all tho bills and
. amendments to tho constitution to be voted on,
together with arguments for and against each,
as may be furnished by its friends or opponents,
they paying the cost of paper and printing for
tho space taken in tho pamphlet. From 1904
to 1910, inclusive, this pamphlet, printing, mail
ing and all, has cost tho state of Oregon $-17,-610.61.
It is tho voter's text-book, and school
begins in earnest. The electors do not have to
depend upon partisan newspapers for their
knowledge, and the subsidized press is shorn of
its power, as is the crooked politician. Tho
voters havo every opportunity to be accurately
informed. I visited the meetings of farmers'
granges and labor unions and found certain
measures set down as regular subjects for debate
on- the program. Likewise in men's clubs, in
churches, in high school debates and meetings
all over the state the discussion was going on.
The issues were "taken out of politics," and so
could be reviewed without danger to tender
partisan toes. There is now proposed a move
ment to open up the school-houses to people's
forums, for the discussion of these questions In
the future, somewhat after the Rochester plan.
A grave responsibility is thus laid Upon the
people, and if mistakes are made the wicked
legislature cannot bo blamed. That the 'voters
feel this responsibility is beyond question. It
s has a sobering influence and sets them to think
ing as nothing else will."- Inquire of men like
J. J Johnson, lecturer of tbosatp grange, wh6
have first-hand and intimate knowledge of what
happens in the homes of the masses of the
people, and you will bo told that "a majority
of the voters strive earnestly to inform them
selves and vote for the best interests of the
whole people."
On election day I visited voting booths In
every section of Portland. The election was so
orderly as to bo positively tame. Approach a
voting tent from a distance of two or three
blocks and you could see nothing but a few
men entering or leaving the place, or citizens
passing by on their ordinary business. It might
have been otherwise but for tho corrupt practices
act, which, by tho way, was enacted by the
people through the initiative in 1908, after be
ing turned down by the legislature, and so was
having its first try-out. Under this act no solicit
ing of voters is allowed within 300 feet of a
polling place. Nor is there allowed any distri
bution of literature, nor signs, posters, banners,
nor even the selling of hot coffee. There were
no excited crowds of party workers to pull, haul
. or bulldoze. The voters came quietly, marked
their ballots and went their ways in peace.
There was not a single arrest made in Portland
over election rows, and even thq usual quota
dropped off that day.
The ballot this year contained the names
of 131 candidates, from which 42 officials were
to be selected. Each one had to. be marked
separately, as tho "bird ballot," beloved by the
"vote-'er-straight-and-let-'er-go-at-that" politi
cian is long a thing of the past here. There
were also the thirty-two "measures."
That looks rather formidable and it is, which
is another argument for the short ballot. Con
sidering everything, the average voter handled
the ballot with surprising ease; especially thoso
who made use of the "sample ballot." This is
an exact duplicate of the regular ballot, but is
printed on differently colored paper and sent out
to the voters before the' election. Thousands
take home these sample ballots, mark the candi
dates, and measures on which they wish to vote,
and on election day they are taken Into the
booth and tho official ballot, furnished by the
judges of tho election, are marked from them.
This device lends accuracy and save time. I
held the watch on several voters, inquired of the
election judges, and found the average voter
remained in tho booth from seven to ten minutes.
Some took three, others twenty. It was the
general testimony of the judges and clerks that
"thoy .know whaC they want and ask ttr qnes
tlons,' br;"thoyhaY mado up tlioir minds;"
and from nuinberloss conversations with citi
zens from every walk In lifo, who chanced to
bo waiting for tholr turn at tho booth, I began
to sense tho spirit of this new mothod of law
making and understand the zest and prido tho
voters took in getting at things directly. Tako
that power away from them? Lot courts and
politicians bewaro.
But how can tho peoplo get time to study
thirty-two measures, oven granting they havo
tho intelligence to bo trusted with their solu
tion? I went to tho voters to find out. A-general
average of 75 per cont voted on tho questions;
and 25 por cent did not. Tho latter class gavo
mo tho old answer, "I don't take no interest in
politics." Tho other class seemed to tnko my
questions ns a reflection upon tholr Intelligence,'
exactly as voters in Switzerland did when I put
tho samo question, to them.
Hero is the way ono farmer answered mo: .
"Look here, my friend, there is somo brains
in Oregon outside the legislature. Last session
the general assembly had up over 850 bills and
resolutions, and forty days in which to dispose
of them. If they had cut out tho 'functions' and
worked ton hours a day straight they would
have had about thirty minutes apiece to glvo
each one. Now if they could do that, hadn't I
ought to be able to make up my mind on thirty
two in four months? I can't see how electing
a man to the legislature makes him so almighty
smart all of a sudden. Besides, if they had
attended to business and done what they should
havo done there would not bo so many ques
tions on the ballot."
Admitting there,, was somo merit In bis, con
tention, I asked him how ho had handled.', tho
problem.
"Well, in the first place," ho ropllod, "you
see the most of the questions had boon. bofqr&
the stato before and wore not now. Why, wefve
been talking about temperance, taxation, normaL
schools,, fish b 11,1s and-a lot more since I was a
boy and a long while boforo wo had tho Initial
tlvo. So I knew what I was going to do on.- a
good many. I was a ljttle puzzled on some, and
when I got .tho- state- jpamphlet in tho mall tread
ft, over, and paid particular attention to tho'jlawa
on which I was in doubt. Then I got a sample
ballot a while before election and marked It
tho way I wanted to vote, so as to sort of fix
it in my mind. Then I sent tho pamphlet-and
the ballot back to somo of my relatives hr Illi
nois, to let them seo how we make laws and elect
United States senators out here where the peoplo
have got something to say. When I voted It took
me about fivo minutes in tho booth."
And this man's experience Is typical of tbb
average Oregon .farmer, worklngman and, tO'a
good degree, of the business man. I asked
Governor-elect West about it and ho replied:
"Of course they study that pamphlet. They aro
the best informed citizens we have. More than
that, they are not hunting for graft or special
privileges. They try to get at tho truth and
justice of things. What they want is a fair
deal; and they are getting it, too."
My farmer had let In light from a new angle.
I suddenly perceived that what appeared to me,
an outsider, as thirty-two questions, were not
all new to tho people of Oregon. On many of
them the public mind had been forming for
years. This simplified tho matter greatly and
reduced that portentous "thirty-two" materially.
Yet It was felt generally that thero wero too
many questions this year; also that there will
not bo nearly so many In the future, principally
because it is believed the legislature Is drawing
nearer to the peoplo and will be more repre
sentative. Tho peoplo wore nt worrying much
over tho big ballot no more than in. other states
It was the politicians who v.fere the most per
turbed, and whoever was being separated from
the public crib or grindstone. Some lawyers are
worried, others greatly pleased. Ono lawyer
' politician of great prominence who is this
year retiring to private life by invitation of tho
primary summed up the opinion of his class
when he remarked, "To hell with the whole
business!" But none of them seem able to
evolvo a safe method, by which to accomplish the
desired relegation.
To adequately review the measures votevl on
at this election is beyond the scope of this
article; only a brief account may be given as a
background for -judgment.
The liquor question was the most acute in
the campaign. -The temperance people had
proposed a stater-wide prohibition amendment
and a statute carrying it Into effect, both by the
Initiative. The liquor men proposed a municipal
- -.. -(Continued -on Page 12.) - --&!
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