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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (June 2, 1911)
t$e- TwpTr"w" artJNB 2, iiii' Wi The Commoner. 5 "PY''SFSJW1 ""w ??Tcwg? myyiyyT ' One Tariff Item to Which They Object Republican newspaper are not high proteo &vo tariff advocates when it comes to deal with the product of the paper trust. The representa tive of the newspapers, John Norris, shows how these republican publishers are suffering from the liberties taken by one generous contributor to republican campaign funds. The story is told in the following press dispatch: Washington, May 23. Charges that the American newspaper publishers' association are compelled to pay higher prices for their news print paper, because the International Paper company is in practical control of the industry in this country, were made today at the Cana dian reciprocity bill hearings before the senate finance committee by John Norris representing the American newspaper publishers' association. The paper-makers, Mr. Norris said, have made obvious efforts to restrict production and to starve the print paper market in order to main tain high prices at an agreed figure, have sold paper abroad cheaper than in this country and have arrayed themselves against open prices and against public quotations. ' In an effort to prevent such secret fixing of prices, Mr. Norris said he had made offers to buy paper and to pay cask for it, but that only two mills out of fifty in this country had sold to him. The reason for this refusal, he claimed, was that the paper-makers did not want a public quotation of their prices as he would have sold the paper at auction, thus making the prices public. "The paper-makers of this country," said Mr. Norris, "have preferred to keep their mills idle and their labor unemployed and to allow Canada to sell paper here to the advantage of Canadian labor and the disadvantage of their own labor rather than sell paper at the mill. "A conspiracy or arrangement of some sort exists among news print paper mills the effect of which is to deprive a reasonable purchaser of the opportunity to buy news print paper at a fair market price, without restrictions as to" Its use or the price at which the mills are sell ing a similar article in similar quantities to others. Those mills so doing which are under the injunction of the court, haye disobeyed its orders. "The trade disturbances and price Quotations in news print paper due to unlawful combina tions have been continuous since the passage of the Dingley bill, shortly after which the International Paper company was formed from a consolidation of many mills, including those on the verge of bankruptcy, and immediate steps were taken to mark up prices." Mr. Norris accused the International Paper company of selling paper abroad cheaper than here, with having "launched into a gigantic woodland speculation, with having an Inflated capitalization of at least $40,000,000 and with keeping down production by maintaining .a capacity of "only 35 per cent of modern equip ment." .. "Yet the International Paper company," he added, "Is asking congress to put a premium on the antiquity of plants in mills that were verg ing on bankruptcy thirteen years ago." "The Canadian provinces which control the raw material of paper manufacture," Mr. Norris said "are trying to force American paper mills to move to the other side of the boundary line. They have prohibited the exportation of pulp wood from provincial land; they believe they can starve out the American paper-makers, whose domestic supplies are nearly exhausted. "In 1911, the American papermakers had a chance to consummate an arrangement with Canada whereby the supply of wood from the province of Quebec would be continued in definitely But the American senate, at the In stigation of Former Senator Hale and of the extreme 'standpatters' among the papermakers, upset that arrangement and undertook to bull doze the Canadian provinces so that it could force them by the imposition of retaliatory duties to let their pulp wood into the United States without restriction. "Instead of composing the situation, they pro voked an ugly complication, to which the paper clause of the reciprocity treaty offers the only immediate and promising solution." American paper-makers, said Mr. Norris, own over 12,000 square miles of timber rights in the crown lands of Quebec for which they cannot now ship wood pulp because of the prohibition of May 1, 1910. Mr Norris referred to Gilford Pinchot's state ment three years ago of the available supply of woo'd pulp timber in the United States, which would last aB follows: New York state, eight and one-half years. Pennsylvania, nine years. Minnesota, nino years. Vermont, eleven years. New Hampshire, twenty-five years. Maine, twenty-eight and one-half years. Concluding, Mr. Norris said that nearly 40 per cent of the wood and pulp which the United States now uses as the raw material of cheap paper comes from abroad. "The paper Industry," ho said, "paid $19, '406,074 to foreigners In 1910 for pulp wood and pulp to keep American paper mills going. The coisumers paid penalties of $150,000 in retalia tory duty because there was an adequate supply of free wood In Canada available for the needs of this market." Mr. Norris was questioned by various mem bers of the committee as to the purposes of the American newspaper publishers' association. Ho declared that his work as chairman of the paper committee had to do with 'missionary work among senators and in other places.' The work all should bo in the open, he added, no effort having been made to conceal anything. "When Senator Smoot asked him if his bureau had not sent out various pamphlots urging the adoption of the reciprocity bill, he replied by asking: "You did not think it was a crime, did you, Mr. Norris, to send out literature in favor of placing things on a free list?" "Quite the contrary," replied Mr. Norris. When Mr. Norris declared that tho American senate undertook to bulldoze tho Canadian pro vinces Senators Bailey and Heyburn objected to the word "bulldoze," and had It stricken from the records. Mr. Norris sought to show the International Paper company is a combination in restraint of trade. Ho declared that ho would be unable to procuro paper at market prices at any mill east of tho Rocky mountains. Tho American paper and pulp association, ho claimed, was a so-called bureau of statistics to enable tho papier-makers of the country to main tain prices at an agreed figure. In attacking the International Paper company Mr. Norris declared it had absorbed nearly nil the paper mills in the United States; that it controlled much undeveloped paper mill water power; that it started immediately after its organization on wood land speculation and that it had reduced its output so as to increase tho market price. The corporation had an excessive capitaliza tion said Mr. Norris, which was inflated at least $40,000,000. He declared it frequently sold paper for from $8 to $10 a ton cheaper abroad than in this country. Mr. Norris declared the newspaper publishers in the same city are obliged to pay different prices for the paper they purchase from the In ternational company. Whon Mr. Norris read figures from the tariff board's report showing that five mills in this - country manufacture at about $25 a ton more news paper than the Canadian mills manufac ture at $27.50 a ton, Senator Lodge insisted on reading the entire table, showing that the average cost of production in this country is more than $32 a ton. Mr. Norris declared this was due to antique machinery equipment in the American mills, making the cost of production high. OUR EXPENSIVE GOVERNMENT Kansas City Star: The tremendous cost of maintaining the federal government is a subject for statesmen to talk about in every campaign, but none of them has had the hardihood to make the reduction of expenses his especial mission in public life. The member of congress who solves the problem will strike a popular chord in public sentiment everywhere, except, perhaps, in Washington. But there is no likelihood of revision of expenses until the established system of conducting the government's business is re organized. An understanding of the conditions at the national capital makes it a matter of little difficulty to comprehend why the statesmen shirk this particular responsibility. The magnitude of the government is an appalling revelation that awaits every new representative or senator. His first impression is that it Is a wonderfully big machine and his second Is that congress Is a mighty small part of the "works." Where to begin to reduce expenses Is a problem that looms up In discouraging proportions the.mor ho studies tho situation. Tho first thing that occurs to him, of courso, Is to curtail tho reckless expenditure of monoy in tho house or in tho senate. But when ho discovers tho hopelessness of that task, or of making so much as a beginning in tho practlco of economy in his branch of congress, his liopo of reaching any other department not to mon tion all the departments Is abandoned. Every congressman knows that thoro Is oxtra vaganco ovorywhoro In tho conduct of tho fedoral government. Ho sees it In every place in Wash ington and understands thnt it should bo cor rected. Nothing is plainer than that tho big concern is full of leaks through which tho public funds are running to waste ovory day, but any one of tho "leaks" that a single statesman could stop would amount to such a small saving that ho grows discouraged at tho result, gives up tho fight, surrenders to tho things that are, and goes along with tho gonoral scheme. About tho most offectivo way to wasto time in Washington is to try to Interest congressmen or tho federal officials in a plan to reduco tho cost of running tho government. MR. ROOSEVErT'S ATTACK ON ARBI TRATION In an article In tho Outlook which purports to favor "universal arbitration" with Groat Britain, Theodoro Roosevelt attacks tho vital point which makes tho now treaty worth nego tiating. "Tho Unltod States," ho says, "ought never specifically to bind itself to arbitrate ques tions respecting its honor, independence and in tegrity." To illustrate ho adds: "If Great Britain now startod to exerciso tho right of search as she exorcised It a hundred years ago, with its Incidents of killing peaceful fishermen within tho limits of New York harbor, of kidnapping sailors by violence on tho high seas, of ruining merchants through no fault of their own, of firing on American men-of-war and killing men aboard them why, if any such incident occurred at present this country would fight at the drop of the hat, and any man who proposed to arbitrate such a matter would be tossed contemptuously out of tho popular path." To conceive tho British goverment exorcising the "right to search" again Mr. "Roosevelt must conceive of an England again ruled by an oligar chic caste; of a United States again too feeble to resist affront; of the press-gang and the lash; of a world bereft of tho fruits of a hundred years of progress. He sees this himself; "tho two nations," ho says, "have achieved that point of civilization where each can be trusted not to do to the other any one of the offenses which ought to preclude any self-respecting nation from appealing to arbitration." Then why not accept that splendid fact and act upon it? Even if by unimaginable stupidity "any such Incident" as Mr. Roosevelt seems to think both possible and impossible should occur the "man who proposed to arbitrate" would not "bo tossed contemptuously out of tho popular path." His tory proves tho contrary. During the civil war an American captain "kidnapped by violence on tho high seas" two men, Slidell and Mason, from .a British vessel. There was no war. Tho British government later permitted in British shipyards the build ing and launching of confederate cruisers to "fire on American men-of-war and kill men aboard of them," and to "ruin merchants" and ship-owners. But there was no war. In tho Japanese-Russian conflict Russian gunners fired on British trawlers on tho Dogger Bank, "kill ing innocent fishermen." There was no war. Tho offended nation Instead of fighting "at tho drop of the hat," accepted in each case pre cisely such redress as the present treaty con templates. To provide a peaceful solution of "questions respecting honor, independence and Integrity" such questions as courts settle for Individuals is the beneficent purpose of the treaty. History proyes the sensible and honorable method pro posed to be quite feaBlble. Mr. Roosevelt's In herent Jingoism again runs away with his Judgment. New York World. 0 - 0 The American Homestead, a monthly farm Journal of national scope, will bo sent to all Commoner subscribers who renew their subscriptions during the month of June at regular rates, if this noticed is mentioned when writing. Hi ll ..fftfr- -' 1 .