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VOLUMBjll, NUMBER 3
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to each other as causo and offect. If ono wore
to rocoivo a salary of ton thousand dollars a
year ho would havo to savo it all for five thou
sand years hoforo ho could accumulate fifty
million dollars, yet fifty million dollars is not
such a vast fortuno as fortunes aro counted to
day among those who havo vast fortunes ac
cumulated through tho system of privilege. How
is itHhat somo men in tho courso of a few
years can collect as much as under natural con
ditions It would take thousands of years for tho
nVerago man to earn? It could not ho dono if
thoro woro justico in tho distribution of wealth.
W6 cannot bring about a forced equality of
conditions, but thoro may bo an canalization of
burdens and opportunities. These "swollen"
fortunes aro for tho most part grafted out of
tho public by moans of high tariff, watered
ntocks, fictitious bond issues and through mon
opoly of some necessity of life. Watered stocks,
llctitious bond issues and tho tariff graft should
bo dorto away with, and holding companies
whoreby thoso unnatural fortunes aro concen
trated in tho hands of a very few mon should
bo placed under tho ban of tho law. Then
through an incomo tax tho burdens of govern
ment should bo moro equitably distributed. Tho
Incomo tax is a tax on what the peoplo have,
not, llko tho tariff, a tax on what tho people want.
It Is the fairest of all forms of taxation becauso
it boars most heavily on thoso most able to bear
it, and least heavily on thoso least ablo to bear
it, An Incomo tax exempting the small incomes,
and with a vory light rate up to, say, twenty
thousand dollars a year, then increasing with
tho Increase of tho incqrae until it would be
come: loss dcsirablo for individuals toHiavo in
comes running into tho 'millions each yoar,
would do much to equalize tho burdens of gov
ernment aiid to romody the injustice that now
exists in tho distribution of wealth. ""
Tho amondmont to tho United States consti
tution now before tho peppjo is not in tho exact
form that it should bo to permit tho levy of the
graduated income tax adjusted In this manner,
novortholoss it Ib a step in tho right direction,
and I hope it will bo adopted. Having gono
that far wo can go further later on.
:Tlio democratic party should not fight wealth
as such, but rathor tho privileges that produce
tainted riches on ono hand and undeserved pov
erty on tho other. It should not bo an enemy to
ontorprlso but tho friend of honest industry and
legitimate dovolopmont. Tho only limitation
should bo that tho prosperity of ono should bo
consistent with tho welfare of all, for it is an
axiom of democracy that'whenever one man has
more than ho should have, some other man
must havo less than ho should have. Democ
racy should safeguard property rights, but
should recognlzo the fact that property rights
are host safeguarded by preserving inviolate tho
public rights.
Shall thoro bo government by privilege for
"a class or government by tho people for all?
This is tho great question beford the country.
Government by tho people is either right or
it is wrong. If it is wrong, then this republic
is tho mightiest blunder of all tho ages; if it
is right, then the peoplo cannot bo given too
much power to run their own government.
The election of senators by direct vote of
the people is an important step in government,
r not only of and by .the people but government
for the people. When our constitution was be
ing framed tho fear was tho peoplo might con
fiscate tho property of tho well-to-do, who at
that period consisted for tho most part of largo
land owners. That tho time should ever como
when tho rights of tho peoplo would bo en
dangered through consolidation and concentra
tion of capital, and its influence in government
did not occur to tho fathers of the republic'
So they provided a house of representatives to
represent the peoplo and for a senate elected
by the legislatures of the different states to
represent property. Wo have now learned that
property interests should not bo inconsistent
wtb, public interests, and that officials should
represent no class but the entire public Thin
proposed reform of election of senators 'by tho
people will, according to present indications,
bear fruit in tho near future. '
v The democratic party should insist upon tho
stamping out of graft and corruption from
overy department of government; not only Krafts
against tho law, but grafts under tho law and
those grafts the law itself may give in the shape
of special favors, bounties, subsidies and
tariff for any purpose other than that of revenue
Graft subs titutos for government by the pe
tho will of tho few with wealth and influence
enough to secure official favors. In tho elimina!
tion of corruption tho initiative and referendum
The Commoner.
havo been found effective in state affairs. As
means of enacting all laws these measures
would,' of course, bo too cumbersome, but aa
checks in the hartds of tho peoplo they are very
desirable. Corruptionists will not pay large
sums of money to legislative bodies for laws
when a clear title cannot bo given, and when
restricted by the initiative and referendum legis
latures cannot sell unclouded titles to laws,
These measures havo materially aided in elim
inating corruption in Missouri by reducing the
incentivo for corruption. Instead of being in
consistent with ropresontativo government, they
lnsuro government that Is representative of tho
people and not of privilege. They conserve tho
rule of tho peoplo. These havo been found to
bo entirely practical in tho states, and democ
racy should favor these measures, properly safe
guarded, for such governments.
A national anti-lobby law, applicable to con
gress, would be conducive to popular govern
ment. Such a law for tho national government
as wo havo in Missouri would bo beneficial,
whereby lobbyists for special interests aro re
quired to register in a public record stating
whom they represent, how much they are get
ting and how long they intend to stay, and mak
ing lobbying a felony without such registration.
This gives publicity to the workings of lobbyists
and lobbyists of the objectionable kind will no
more operate In the glare of publicity than bats
will fly in the blaze of day. Privilege keeps
its hired agents constantly infesting the halls of
congress, influencing legislators in order that
the few may reap what the many sow. Let tho
light be turned on so tho people may know who
they are and what they aro 'doing. Publicity
is the surest remedy for corruption. The sugar
trust frauds, the Indian steals, the friar lands
scandal, the Panama canal corruption and the
Alaska swindles should have tho curtains drawn
from them in order, that all may perceive the
anarchs of corruption in tUeir barochanal of
avarice.
The democratic party should insist upon tho
vigorous enforcement of tho people's laws
against high and low, rich and poor. Wo do not
neqd now laws so much as wo need tho honest,
sincere enforcement of the- laws wo already
have, Holding the operators of corporations in
dividually responsible to tho criminal laws for
lawless corporate acts, would accomplish moro
in correcting lawlessness of corporate interests
than all tho fines that could bo imposed upon
corporations from now until doom's day.
Tho patty should favor the regulation of the
rates of public utility corporations upon a rea
sonable basis that justice be dono the people
and a fair return be given on the amount actu
ally invested. It should not be forgotten that
tho public is a partner in every corporation and
is entitled to know what is going on, especially
is this true of public service corporations.
It is a question for us now. not of founding a
new party, but of the preservation of the ideals
of the old party. Not the formation of a' new
government but the purification of a nation's
life; not the conquest of foreign foes but the
subjection of those within. The capacity of a
people for self-government is not to be proven
by the glitter of wealth, nor bravery on battle
fields, nor by the extent of a nation's dominion,
but by the happiness and welfare of the aver
age man. Tho dangers of today are not from
without, but from within. Selfishness greed
avarice, privilege, the decay of public virtue
those who would subvert the public functions of
government to sordid uses these are the ene
mies we have to fear. There can be no peace
between these enemies and the people's safety
We cannot avoid the conflict with them without
being recreant as democrats and traitors to our
better natures. It is not enough for us to rest
upon the splendid history of the democratic
party, there must be hopes and aspirations for
the future as well as history and records of the
?h?i ma1!' no,natlon. no party, can stand
still. We must progress or decay, we must grow
better or we will grow worse.
Standpat republicanism says to a man, "Come
with us and we will give you a high tariff en
abling you to make money at the expense of
your fellowmen. Come with us and we will
give. you a subsidy or bounty affording you an
advantage over others." Progressive democ
racy says, "Come with us. Wo cannot offer
you any adyantage over others, but we can
promise that no one else shall have an advan
tage over you." The one appeals to avarice
and greed; the other appeals to manhood and
conscience One stands for the selfish riches of
the few; the other for the welfare of all. True
democracy cannot give a privilege enabling you
to rob others, but it can deny others the pdvl-
lege of, robbing you. It would confer upon you
tho right to the rewards of labor in proportion
to your industry- and intelligence and it would,
-give all others the same opportunities. This Ja,
tho doctrine of the common good the religion
of democracy.
CONGRESSMAN SMITH'S SPEECH
The speech delivered in congress December
13, 1910, by Hon. William R. Smith, o Texas,
Tvas probably the most complete presentation
ever made of tho arguments in favor of .tho
democratic doctrine of free raw material. His
quotations cover tho legislative history of .the
country on this question and leave no doubt
as to tho party's position. It is a strong speech
and should be read by every democrat in tho
nation.
Mr. Smith conclusively answers the argu- .
ments of those who have tried to prove that the
Walker, tariff act of 18 4 G was antagonistic to-.
the free raw material policy; he shows that the,
party has consistently adhered to the doctrine
for more than half a century and that the re-,
publican protectionists have always regarded
free raw material as tho beginning of .the end
of high tariff.
Mr. Smith makes a telling point when he in
sists that the Walker declaration that the duty;
should bo so imposed as to operate as equably,
as possible throughout the union meant that
the BURDENS should be equitably destrlbuted,
not the BENEFITS for-democrats do-not be
lieve in a tariff for the benefit of any one. Ho
says:
"Mr. Chairman, nothing can be more undemo
cratic than this scramble for the benefits of a
tariff. Democrats have always, regarded tho
tariff as a tax, and they have always treated it
as such. They have looked to its burdens in
stead of its benefits and have endeavored to
adjust and distribute its burdens justly and
equitably. Those who regard the tariff as, a
benefit and enter into a despicable- scramble for
a share of its benefits and who regard the par
celing out of its benefits of more importance
than a just dlstributipn of its burdens are prop
erly regarded by. democrats as nothing more qr
less than protectionists.. ; ..a.-.iv'
"My .contention is that there nre -Imperative
reasons, why raw materials should be placed on
the free list, and those imperative reasons I
have already pointed out, Somo democrats
make the mistake of placing the incidental pro
tection tho producers of raw material get out
of a revenue tariff above all other considerations.
My contention further is, that when Secretary
Walker said that duty should be so imposed as
to operate as equally as possible throughout
the union, neither discriminating for or against
any class or section, he had primarily in mind
the burdens and not the benefits of the duty;
and that his position was that a proper and just
distributions of the burdens should be made, dis'
criminating for nor against any class or section.1
He did not mean that the benefits should be
equitably distributed to the neglect of the
equalization of the burdens." .
Tho speech is so important and so timely that
The Commoner publishes it in full and other
democratic papers are urged to do likewise.- It
should be passed around through the neighbor
hood and then laid away for reference.
It is fortunate that this antidote for the
poison of protection should come from Texas
the state in which certain protected interests
have been attempting to work up an opposition
to the policy of free raw material. Mr. Smith's
speech ought to prove a specific for the "I-want-my-share"
cry of the sheep and lumber men of
the Lone Star state.
THE MONTANA SITUATION
The Amalgamated Copper company, after
trying to elect a republican legislature in Mon
tana is now trying to get control of the demo
cratic legislature. The voters of the state
should warn their representatives against these
corporate influences. Montana is a great state
wnVerSifled lri8' Her Uple are en
liea representation. She has a number of
splendid .democrats who are free from cornmt
alliances. Since there was no primary selection
tho democrats in the legislature should gtt to
gether and pick out a man who will be a credit
to the state They should avoid the men put
inSs y thG Amalgamated otherspedal
A resolution whitewashing Lorimer cannot
change the facts. It cannot raise Lorimer but
ta?atESr ' Senat" t0 th lGVel 0f tliTlliinpli
Kttr
