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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 20, 1911)
w & jf 'V ,! VOLUMBjll, NUMBER 3 lu 'if It. A 11 , '., ' 5 Sjfr" ft, i h w- '- i ivy .. K. if ' v ! ' , m to each other as causo and offect. If ono wore to rocoivo a salary of ton thousand dollars a year ho would havo to savo it all for five thou sand years hoforo ho could accumulate fifty million dollars, yet fifty million dollars is not such a vast fortuno as fortunes aro counted to day among those who havo vast fortunes ac cumulated through tho system of privilege. How is itHhat somo men in tho courso of a few years can collect as much as under natural con ditions It would take thousands of years for tho nVerago man to earn? It could not ho dono if thoro woro justico in tho distribution of wealth. W6 cannot bring about a forced equality of conditions, but thoro may bo an canalization of burdens and opportunities. These "swollen" fortunes aro for tho most part grafted out of tho public by moans of high tariff, watered ntocks, fictitious bond issues and through mon opoly of some necessity of life. Watered stocks, llctitious bond issues and tho tariff graft should bo dorto away with, and holding companies whoreby thoso unnatural fortunes aro concen trated in tho hands of a very few mon should bo placed under tho ban of tho law. Then through an incomo tax tho burdens of govern ment should bo moro equitably distributed. Tho Incomo tax is a tax on what the peoplo have, not, llko tho tariff, a tax on what tho people want. It Is the fairest of all forms of taxation becauso it boars most heavily on thoso most able to bear it, and least heavily on thoso least ablo to bear it, An Incomo tax exempting the small incomes, and with a vory light rate up to, say, twenty thousand dollars a year, then increasing with tho Increase of tho incqrae until it would be come: loss dcsirablo for individuals toHiavo in comes running into tho 'millions each yoar, would do much to equalize tho burdens of gov ernment aiid to romody the injustice that now exists in tho distribution of wealth. "" Tho amondmont to tho United States consti tution now before tho peppjo is not in tho exact form that it should bo to permit tho levy of the graduated income tax adjusted In this manner, novortholoss it Ib a step in tho right direction, and I hope it will bo adopted. Having gono that far wo can go further later on. :Tlio democratic party should not fight wealth as such, but rathor tho privileges that produce tainted riches on ono hand and undeserved pov erty on tho other. It should not bo an enemy to ontorprlso but tho friend of honest industry and legitimate dovolopmont. Tho only limitation should bo that tho prosperity of ono should bo consistent with tho welfare of all, for it is an axiom of democracy that'whenever one man has more than ho should have, some other man must havo less than ho should have. Democ racy should safeguard property rights, but should recognlzo the fact that property rights are host safeguarded by preserving inviolate tho public rights. Shall thoro bo government by privilege for "a class or government by tho people for all? This is tho great question beford the country. Government by tho people is either right or it is wrong. If it is wrong, then this republic is tho mightiest blunder of all tho ages; if it is right, then the peoplo cannot bo given too much power to run their own government. The election of senators by direct vote of the people is an important step in government, r not only of and by .the people but government for the people. When our constitution was be ing framed tho fear was tho peoplo might con fiscate tho property of tho well-to-do, who at that period consisted for tho most part of largo land owners. That tho time should ever como when tho rights of tho peoplo would bo en dangered through consolidation and concentra tion of capital, and its influence in government did not occur to tho fathers of the republic' So they provided a house of representatives to represent the peoplo and for a senate elected by the legislatures of the different states to represent property. Wo have now learned that property interests should not bo inconsistent wtb, public interests, and that officials should represent no class but the entire public Thin proposed reform of election of senators 'by tho people will, according to present indications, bear fruit in tho near future. ' v The democratic party should insist upon tho stamping out of graft and corruption from overy department of government; not only Krafts against tho law, but grafts under tho law and those grafts the law itself may give in the shape of special favors, bounties, subsidies and tariff for any purpose other than that of revenue Graft subs titutos for government by the pe tho will of tho few with wealth and influence enough to secure official favors. In tho elimina! tion of corruption tho initiative and referendum The Commoner. havo been found effective in state affairs. As means of enacting all laws these measures would,' of course, bo too cumbersome, but aa checks in the hartds of tho peoplo they are very desirable. Corruptionists will not pay large sums of money to legislative bodies for laws when a clear title cannot bo given, and when restricted by the initiative and referendum legis latures cannot sell unclouded titles to laws, These measures havo materially aided in elim inating corruption in Missouri by reducing the incentivo for corruption. Instead of being in consistent with ropresontativo government, they lnsuro government that Is representative of tho people and not of privilege. They conserve tho rule of tho peoplo. These havo been found to bo entirely practical in tho states, and democ racy should favor these measures, properly safe guarded, for such governments. A national anti-lobby law, applicable to con gress, would be conducive to popular govern ment. Such a law for tho national government as wo havo in Missouri would bo beneficial, whereby lobbyists for special interests aro re quired to register in a public record stating whom they represent, how much they are get ting and how long they intend to stay, and mak ing lobbying a felony without such registration. This gives publicity to the workings of lobbyists and lobbyists of the objectionable kind will no more operate In the glare of publicity than bats will fly in the blaze of day. Privilege keeps its hired agents constantly infesting the halls of congress, influencing legislators in order that the few may reap what the many sow. Let tho light be turned on so tho people may know who they are and what they aro 'doing. Publicity is the surest remedy for corruption. The sugar trust frauds, the Indian steals, the friar lands scandal, the Panama canal corruption and the Alaska swindles should have tho curtains drawn from them in order, that all may perceive the anarchs of corruption in tUeir barochanal of avarice. The democratic party should insist upon tho vigorous enforcement of tho people's laws against high and low, rich and poor. Wo do not neqd now laws so much as wo need tho honest, sincere enforcement of the- laws wo already have, Holding the operators of corporations in dividually responsible to tho criminal laws for lawless corporate acts, would accomplish moro in correcting lawlessness of corporate interests than all tho fines that could bo imposed upon corporations from now until doom's day. Tho patty should favor the regulation of the rates of public utility corporations upon a rea sonable basis that justice be dono the people and a fair return be given on the amount actu ally invested. It should not be forgotten that tho public is a partner in every corporation and is entitled to know what is going on, especially is this true of public service corporations. It is a question for us now. not of founding a new party, but of the preservation of the ideals of the old party. Not the formation of a' new government but the purification of a nation's life; not the conquest of foreign foes but the subjection of those within. The capacity of a people for self-government is not to be proven by the glitter of wealth, nor bravery on battle fields, nor by the extent of a nation's dominion, but by the happiness and welfare of the aver age man. Tho dangers of today are not from without, but from within. Selfishness greed avarice, privilege, the decay of public virtue those who would subvert the public functions of government to sordid uses these are the ene mies we have to fear. There can be no peace between these enemies and the people's safety We cannot avoid the conflict with them without being recreant as democrats and traitors to our better natures. It is not enough for us to rest upon the splendid history of the democratic party, there must be hopes and aspirations for the future as well as history and records of the ?h?i ma1!' no,natlon. no party, can stand still. We must progress or decay, we must grow better or we will grow worse. Standpat republicanism says to a man, "Come with us and we will give you a high tariff en abling you to make money at the expense of your fellowmen. Come with us and we will give. you a subsidy or bounty affording you an advantage over others." Progressive democ racy says, "Come with us. Wo cannot offer you any adyantage over others, but we can promise that no one else shall have an advan tage over you." The one appeals to avarice and greed; the other appeals to manhood and conscience One stands for the selfish riches of the few; the other for the welfare of all. True democracy cannot give a privilege enabling you to rob others, but it can deny others the pdvl- lege of, robbing you. It would confer upon you tho right to the rewards of labor in proportion to your industry- and intelligence and it would, -give all others the same opportunities. This Ja, tho doctrine of the common good the religion of democracy. CONGRESSMAN SMITH'S SPEECH The speech delivered in congress December 13, 1910, by Hon. William R. Smith, o Texas, Tvas probably the most complete presentation ever made of tho arguments in favor of .tho democratic doctrine of free raw material. His quotations cover tho legislative history of .the country on this question and leave no doubt as to tho party's position. It is a strong speech and should be read by every democrat in tho nation. Mr. Smith conclusively answers the argu- . ments of those who have tried to prove that the Walker, tariff act of 18 4 G was antagonistic to-. the free raw material policy; he shows that the, party has consistently adhered to the doctrine for more than half a century and that the re-, publican protectionists have always regarded free raw material as tho beginning of .the end of high tariff. Mr. Smith makes a telling point when he in sists that the Walker declaration that the duty; should bo so imposed as to operate as equably, as possible throughout the union meant that the BURDENS should be equitably destrlbuted, not the BENEFITS for-democrats do-not be lieve in a tariff for the benefit of any one. Ho says: "Mr. Chairman, nothing can be more undemo cratic than this scramble for the benefits of a tariff. Democrats have always, regarded tho tariff as a tax, and they have always treated it as such. They have looked to its burdens in stead of its benefits and have endeavored to adjust and distribute its burdens justly and equitably. Those who regard the tariff as, a benefit and enter into a despicable- scramble for a share of its benefits and who regard the par celing out of its benefits of more importance than a just dlstributipn of its burdens are prop erly regarded by. democrats as nothing more qr less than protectionists.. ; ..a.-.iv' "My .contention is that there nre -Imperative reasons, why raw materials should be placed on the free list, and those imperative reasons I have already pointed out, Somo democrats make the mistake of placing the incidental pro tection tho producers of raw material get out of a revenue tariff above all other considerations. My contention further is, that when Secretary Walker said that duty should be so imposed as to operate as equally as possible throughout the union, neither discriminating for or against any class or section, he had primarily in mind the burdens and not the benefits of the duty; and that his position was that a proper and just distributions of the burdens should be made, dis' criminating for nor against any class or section.1 He did not mean that the benefits should be equitably distributed to the neglect of the equalization of the burdens." . Tho speech is so important and so timely that The Commoner publishes it in full and other democratic papers are urged to do likewise.- It should be passed around through the neighbor hood and then laid away for reference. It is fortunate that this antidote for the poison of protection should come from Texas the state in which certain protected interests have been attempting to work up an opposition to the policy of free raw material. Mr. Smith's speech ought to prove a specific for the "I-want-my-share" cry of the sheep and lumber men of the Lone Star state. THE MONTANA SITUATION The Amalgamated Copper company, after trying to elect a republican legislature in Mon tana is now trying to get control of the demo cratic legislature. The voters of the state should warn their representatives against these corporate influences. Montana is a great state wnVerSifled lri8' Her Uple are en liea representation. She has a number of splendid .democrats who are free from cornmt alliances. Since there was no primary selection tho democrats in the legislature should gtt to gether and pick out a man who will be a credit to the state They should avoid the men put inSs y thG Amalgamated otherspedal A resolution whitewashing Lorimer cannot change the facts. It cannot raise Lorimer but ta?atESr ' Senat" t0 th lGVel 0f tliTlliinpli Kttr