-JHW
JANUARY 20, 1911
The Commoner.
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enjoy- In a closed, high tariff
market;"
Continuing, he said:
"Mrv Chairman, I well remember
In the first months of my services in
this house, during the debate on the
first "Morrison bill, listening to a
speech of Mr. Abram S. Hewitt, him
self a great miner of iron and coal
and a great' manufacturer and em
ployer of labor, in which ho proved
by a mdsterly reasoning and array
of facts that in the organization of
modern industry the only protection
of labor against corporate and other
capital was in its own organizations
and its own trade unions and that
the only field in which labor organi
zations can flourish, the only arena
on which trade unions can manifest
their power to protect the manhood
of their members and the wages of
their labor, is a country which
throws down the bars and gives the
workingman . untaxed raw material
to work with."
On June 24, 1897, Mr. Cattery, a
democratic senator from Louisiana',
in a speech in the senate, made a
very clear statement of the demo
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taxes raw material used in manufac
tures," and after saying that "a dem
ocrat ought not to sustain a tax on
raw material," he argued as follows:
"If both the raw material and the
finished product are taxed and the
principle is carried out all along the
line, the burdens on the people are
doubled, and in the name of rev
enue a wall of protection is built
up around tho country.
"If the object is to bottle up the
industries of tho United States in
our borders, a tax on raw materials
added? to a compensating duty, ac
complishes it. Placing a duty on
raw materials handicaps our manu
factures in foreign markets even
when a compensating duty is levied.
"To recoup ho must add the duty
on tho raw material to the selling
price of the manufactured article.
This ho cannot do in a foreign mar
ket against a foreign competitor who
has free raw materials. You place
him on an equalitv with the for
eigner in the home market by a com
pensating duty and you destroy him
in tlio foreign market. You invite
competition at home and you destroy
his chance of competing abroad."
I have already called attention to
an expression from Senator Coke up
on the subject of free raw material.
If you will refer to the Congressional
Record of August 14, 1890, you will
find where that grand old democrat,
Senator Reagan, declared positively
and emphatically in favor of that
doctrine. And I take it it is unnec
essary for mo to recall any of tho
expressions of Senator Mills, who
made himself tho idol of the south
ern democracy by his brilliant lead
ership for a tariff for revenue only.
Everyojie knows that he held to free
raw material as the only safe road
to genuine tariff reform.
Hon. William J. Bryan, when disr
cussing the question of free coal in
the Fif,ty-thlrd congress, used this
language:
"They tell us that free coal'can
not benefit the interior. Take tho
tariff off from coal so that the New
England manufacturers can buy it
for less and they can manufacture
more cheaply, and then by cutting
down the tariff on the products of
their factories, we can compel them
to sell at a lower price to the people
of the south and west. That Is the
reason ovir folks are interested in
free coal. So long as we lay bur
dens upon what the manufacturers
use they can with some justification
ask a tariff on the product of their
looms.
"Mr. Chairman, in the first place,
I believe we can make no permanent
progress In the direction of tariff
reform until we free from taxation
the raw materials which lie at the
foundation of our Industries."
In 1892, in another speech in con
gress, which I do not think has been
surpassed before or since In this
country as an argument for tariff re
form, Mr.. Bryan further said, in fa
vor of putting raw material on tho
free list:
"It also takes away entirely those
specific or compensatory duties which
were added to the ad valorem rates
to enable the manufacturers to trans
fer to the back of the consumer the
burden which a tariff on raw ma
terial places on the manufacturer.
The reason why I believe in putting
raw material on the free list Is be
cause any tax imposed on raw ma
terial must at last be taken from the
consumer of the manufactured
article.
"You can compose no tax for the
benefit of the producer of the raw
material which does not find Its way
through the various forms of manu
factured product and at last press
with accumulated weight upon the
person who uses the finished pro
duct. Another reagon why raw ma
terial should be upon the free list
is because that is the only -method
by which one business can bo favored
without Injury to another. Wo aro
not, in that case, imposing a tax4 for
tho benefit of tho manufacturer, but
wb are simply saying to the manu
facturer: "Wo will not impose any
burden upon you." When wo givo
to tho manufacturer free raw ma
terial and free machinery, wo give
to him, I think, all tho encourage
ment which people acting under a
free government like ours can legiti
mately givo to a free people."
Mr. Chairman, I havo taken tho
pains to show you by their. own ex
pressions that Mr. Cleveland and Mr.
Bryan stood shoulder to shoulder up
on this question. Under their lead
ership the democratic party was rent
from top to bottom as with an earth
quake upon a question of finance,
but when it came to the great ques
tion of tariff reform tho divided fac
tions which they led stood together
as solid as the Rock of Gibraltar,
and would havo won a great victory
for tho people but for a disloyal few
who deserted to the enemy in tho
hour of triumph. (Applause on tho
democratic side.)
Ah, but they say that tho demo
cratic party has since then discard
ed the free raw material doctrine. I
deny that it has done so or that it
can do so without either abandon
ing Its ,flght against protection or
bringing disaster to our industries.
They make tho very remarkable con
tention that in 1896 the democratic
national convention discarded tho
free raw material doctrine when it
declared that tariff duties should be
"so adjusted as to operate equally
throughout the country and not' dis
criminate between class or section."
This plank in the platform of 1896
had been the declared doctrine of
the democratic party since the
Walker report of 1846, and I again
deny that it meant that tho tariff
should bo treated as a spoils system
or that the democrats should en
gage in the degraded business of
distributing tariff loot. It meant
that the tariff was a tax and that
the high mission of the democratic
party should beto adjust the burdens
of such a tax equitably, so as not to
discriminate between class or sec
tion. Tho consumer pays the tariff.
Let it be equitably distributed among
them throughout the country. If
the convention meant to declare that
every industry should havo a' place
at tho protection trough and enjoy
equal privileges of feeding on each
other, as well as on the consumers
of the country, why did it not say
so?
It Is also contended that tho dem
ocratic party of Texas repudiated the
doctrine of free raw materials in its
platform of 1896. This contention is
as far from correct as is their con
struction of the national platform of
1896. By no known rules of demo
cratic interpretation can the state
platform of 1896 be given the. mean
ing which Is attributed to it. Let
me read that plank In the platform
by which some seem to be so great
ly misled. It says:
"We believe that the present tariff,
which lets into the country raw ma
terials free of duty and levies heavy
duties on manufactured products,
thus subjecting our agricultural and
pastoral classes to competition with
tho world, while it enables the rich
manufacturers, by means of combin
ations and trusts, to extprt their own
prices for their product from the
people, violates the federal constitu
tion as well as the fundamental prin
ciples of the democratic party, that
tariff duty shall be levied and col
lected for the purpose of revenue
only."
Mr. Chairman, I defy any living
man to point out anything in this
platform declaration to indicate that
the democratic party intended to dis
card the doctrine of. free raw ma
terial. It makes a complaint .against
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