The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, December 30, 1910, Page 3, Image 3

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DECEMBER 30, lilt: V
The Commoner.
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77je Oni Political Boss in Switzerland
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George JTudson King, in the Twentieth Century Magazine
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''It is the initiative and referendum that ka
mad Switzerland a democracy. By reason of
-it the boss has disappeared there la no bribery
and there is no cofruptloa."
So writes an able' and honest investigator im
- t a recerit Isbuo of a progressive American maga
,'zine, and so have written many investigators for
. many years concerning the Swiss republic. And
' they have told tho ttfuth, save for the invariable
m exception which proves the rulo; for Switzerland
"has' a political boss just one who holdB the
; destiny of one canton within the closure of his
fat fist. Significantly enough, this canton, is tho
t only one which .has.no initiative and referendum
' provision in its constitution, but is blessed with
"pure representative government" in all its in-
' evitable impurity.
This canton is Fribourg and its master is
M. Georges Python. All over Switzerland, when
ever I inquired if there was anything akin to a
political boss in tho country, I was invariably
' told of M. Python. Also, I was informed, usu-
! ally without the asking, "But they have no
referendum in Fribourg."
Naturally, a desire soon grew up to meet this
man so unique in Swiss politics. I decided to
make a first-hand study of him and to supple
ment with exact data the fragmentary informa
tion I had secured concerning the' conduct of
affairs in Fribourg.
M. Python was a difficult man to see. A let
ter asking lor an interview brought no answer.
Long distance telephone calls found him "out."
Finally, Colonel Emil Frey,- of Bern an ex- ,
president of Switzerland directed me to Dr.
Emil Gxoss, editor of La Independent, a liberal
newspaper published in Fribourg, as a reliable
man who could furnish me with the detailed
information I sought. Thither I went in the
hope of finding M. Python In. Fortune fayored
me. I found that he was at home and would
be at his office within an hour. In company
with a young professor of philosophy at the
nearby university, I sat down to wait. Present
ly, a portly, well-dressed man, who bore him
self like a commanding general, went by and
entered the inner office. It was M. Python.
While we waited, the young professor imparted
to me confidential information evidently cal
culated to impress me with tho greatness of
man I was about to meet. "He is master of
this canton, which he holds in the hollow of
hishand," said ho. "Nothing is done unless
he first approves appointments, election of
candidates, all legislation everything! Ah, he
is a very powerful and a verylever man. Tho
people have nothing to say but he helps our
university." . ..,,,,
I said little and sat listening and thinking.
' The-professor was a splendid young fellow, good-
" natured, keen, intellectual, with the philosophy
- of dead centuries packed away in his brain, ir
he was conscious of the crime against democ
racy which his story revealed, he did not show
It To bo sure, the people were disregarded,
but-to him the whole situation seemed a good
joke. M. Python was a clever man and he
holped the university.
Suddenly the door opened and the attendant
ushered us into the presence 'of the autocrat.
M first thought was, "A typical ward heeler!"
$ medium height; heavy-built but not too fat;
round head, thick neck, closely cropped hair.
lensual face and cold inquiring eyes ho looked
the part He-received us formally, as one sure
-of his power and accustomed to mastery. There
was a certain curtness in his manner which
- warned the visitor to be brief. The Professor
' , -ff of e.eot.onB for twen-
TSi to "anoSTnuestion ne br.er
!SI5tii form of government enjoyed br
Sta "n?on nniTded by stating not without
u ma cu-uvwu thouKh the fact shouia
. SE'&M.'?" the eye, of
. give ""'".. ,i wa 0 oniy canton lnSwitz-
. . SEdwTtafl TinltUtive' and referendum
With all the disinterested curiosity I could
aummon, I asked, "Why?"
Python's manner became most amusing. Ho
shrugged his shoulders, smirked, paused a whilo
and looked at his desk, evidently a diplomatic
answer. Finally," discovering it, ho ralsod both
'hands in the so-so gesture, of a Jewish peddler
selling goods "below cost," and said, "There has
been no opportunity to vote upon tho question."
Evidently he had forgotten that not two years
before 8,500 citizens of tho canton had petitioned
his grrnd council to submit this very question
to a decision of the voters, and that tho petition
'had never been so much as noticed, because
M. Python had said, "No." Tho people wero
-helpless, since In Fribourg, as In all American
states, save three, any constitutional amend
ment to be submitted must first bo approved by
tho legislature.
Suddenly, with the only trace of vivacity ex
hibited throughout the interview, M. Python
began explaining that there had been no general
revision of the constitution since 1857. In fact,
tho citizens had voted against such a revision
and so had indicated that they did not want tho
referendum. I was left to infer that such a
question could bo considered only at a general
revision.
Here again I recalled that M. Python has al
ways fought any revision, and that while all
other cantons of Switzerland have made many
changes and improvements In their constitutions
during the last fifty years-, Fribourg has made
only two minor alterations. As far at least
as tho progressive citizens' not wanting a change
I knew there had been one election on the ques
tion of a general revision and that it was car
ried four to one by those who voted, but was
declared lost because a beneficent provision of
tho constitution requires a "majoritlo absolute"
of all the voters necessary to order a revision.
Another archaic provision in eleven American
constitutions.
M. Python .had been wary from tho first and
evidently the conversation had tako a turn ho
.did not relish. I was about to ask his opinion
of the initiative and referendum when ho
abruptly closed tho interview and I was given
no further opportunity to ask questions.
Leaving his office, I was soon on my way to
see Dr. Gross, the leader of the forces of reform.
No greater contrast can bo Imagined than that
presented by these two men. M. Python was a
typical boss, iron will, cold heart, cunning brain,
convenient memory, secretive and a fighter. Ho
had received me' as a possible enemy. Dr. Gross,
on the other hand, greeted mo with a hearty
handshake and a warm welcome, He had a re
fined face which bespoke an honest heart, and
in his eyes burned the world-old fire and devo
tion of the patriot. A few sentences revealed
his grip of facts and tho reach of his vision.
"Tho canton of Fribourg is In a sad plight
now," said the editor, "but It was not always
so. Fribourg was once free and progressive.
From 1847 to 1857 the canton was radical.
Then on until 1881 it was liberal. There was
a public opinion then, but there is none now,
for since 1881 we have had the regime Pvtho
nian which has in twenty-seven years killed all
there was of political vigor in the people. This
Machlavelll has succeeded in changing the brains
of this old free citizenship Into a mediocrity
which shows a deadly Indifference to public
affairs. All other cantons of Switzerland are
making democratic progress. Even Valais Isvbe
Ing modernized. Fribourg alone Ib condemned
to reaction and is looked upon as an old mile
stone in all free Switzerland the first nation
to deliver Itself from the iron heel of European
despots."
"But how do you account for the power of
this Python?" said I.
"The reasons are many. Perhaps tho great
est Is through a monopoly of the money market
by his absolute control of the two largest banks.
A private bank, 'Bank Cantonal,' Is controlled
by him and through his political power he has
had himself made director of the 'Bank Do
l"Etat, owned by the canton and established
under his regime. He and two of his political
tools control this bank, and-through these two
bank pass all the finances of the,canton.. Busi
ness men, contractor and all who need money
can borrow cheaper of Uicbo banks than olse
whero, if they aro his supporter politically,
Somotlmos oven no security Is asked; only tho
word. This, you see, Insures tho backing of &
bualnesa .clement.
"Anothor sourco of his power lies In tha antl
religloun character of tiro 'opposition up- to thte
time. This ho cleverly 'UBCB-toenllst the sup
port of tho priests and prejudice tho masses,
who aro mostly fnrmors, extremely conserva
tive, a majority of thorn Catholics. Thoy are
largely undor tho control of tho priests, to whom
Python to genorous. Ho has helped them build
a university horo. ,
"Again, aU public officials, whether elected
r appointed, are of his choosing. A man
whom Python favors Is sure of election, but he
must 'marcher a la bagnotto' -that Is. 'march
by tho littlo stick,' or oboy blindly. Ho solects
tho university professors and. all employee:! In
tho various departments of tho government and
public Institutions, down oven to tho stone cut
ters on tho public roads. There is ono single
exception: tho ground molo catchers arc tha
only officials whoso politics aro not inquired Into.
In his appointments, tho Intelligence capacity
or honesty of tho applicant aro seldom taken
into account. Partisan politics Is alone con
sidered. In many offices there are threo men
employed whero ono could easily do tho work,
"Ho Is adroit in giving fat John or positions
of honor to mombors of tho leading families of
tho canton, thus gaining their support or silenc
ing their opposition. Every young mnn who
hopes for position or advancement must look to
Python. Thoro aro in all hetweon two and
three thousand employees of the state and with
such a battalion of agents, you can Imagine his
power, for they are all at his disposal when he
wants them on election day!"
"Any special trlcka practiced at election
tlmo?" I inquired.
"Yes, largo crowds of men aro Imported and
kept in hotels and boarding houses tho night
before election. They are promised Jobs If they
vote Python's way. A short tlmo previous to
election day many more men aro employed on
tho streets and In tho public works. There Is
a by-word hero, 'I think wo shall soon have an
election, as there aro so many men on the
streets.' Even tho university students, no mat
ter whero thoy come from, are allowed to vote -for
Python. At election tlmo beer and wines
aro free and Python becomes more charitable,
giving food to tho poor, and oven clothes In
somo cases.
"Python Is an astute politician and often nets
his opponents to quarreling among themselves.
In this manner ho splits their force. Moreover,
ho gerrymanders tho election districts so that
it is Impossible for the liberals to elect but a
few members of tho grand council. Still Python
welcomes this, as an opposition of some sort la
necessary to him."
By this time I was laughing, and tho good
doctor who had been unfolding tho Iniquities
which weighed so heavily on his heart In all
earnestness and sincerity, stopped and looked
at mo in astonishment.
"Why do you laugh?" ho asked.
"It Is so Hko America that I begin to feel
at homo. The exact methods you describe are
practiced in every corner of my country, yet
the wise ones say the reason Switzerland baa
pure government Is because of the superior po
litical intelligence and honesty of its people;
because it is small; and, again, because there
Is littlo wealth, and what we call 'grafting'
would not be worth while; still, here In your
capton I find what wo call a 'political machine
perfect, even to minute details."
It was Dr. Gross' turn to laugh.
"But tell me," I continued, "what are tho re
sults of this regime, and how does Python use
his power?" -
"Let me answer that by reading some edi
torial writings In recent Issues of La Indepen
dent. Ah, here Is one exactly to the point," ha
resumed, after running through a file of tha
paper. "It la entitled 'Caesarism and Conse
quences.' " Suddenly he looked up and said
impressively, "Tho most fatal consequence of
.any -Caesarism to any civilization Is not th
money stolen from tho people, but tho-destruo-
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