?JJfJ(Pgr-n - tr -"-r. -yrjy i DECEMBER 30, lilt: V The Commoner. -r 77je Oni Political Boss in Switzerland I; Hf v George JTudson King, in the Twentieth Century Magazine W 1 . , v . f if! V If-S "- i -t-av . A WI "T ' .-' I .r : tf '.! - '(?" V '., &T fc Mi-' ''It is the initiative and referendum that ka mad Switzerland a democracy. By reason of -it the boss has disappeared there la no bribery and there is no cofruptloa." So writes an able' and honest investigator im - t a recerit Isbuo of a progressive American maga ,'zine, and so have written many investigators for . many years concerning the Swiss republic. And ' they have told tho ttfuth, save for the invariable m exception which proves the rulo; for Switzerland "has' a political boss just one who holdB the ; destiny of one canton within the closure of his fat fist. Significantly enough, this canton, is tho t only one which .has.no initiative and referendum ' provision in its constitution, but is blessed with "pure representative government" in all its in- ' evitable impurity. This canton is Fribourg and its master is M. Georges Python. All over Switzerland, when ever I inquired if there was anything akin to a political boss in tho country, I was invariably ' told of M. Python. Also, I was informed, usu- ! ally without the asking, "But they have no referendum in Fribourg." Naturally, a desire soon grew up to meet this man so unique in Swiss politics. I decided to make a first-hand study of him and to supple ment with exact data the fragmentary informa tion I had secured concerning the' conduct of affairs in Fribourg. M. Python was a difficult man to see. A let ter asking lor an interview brought no answer. Long distance telephone calls found him "out." Finally, Colonel Emil Frey,- of Bern an ex- , president of Switzerland directed me to Dr. Emil Gxoss, editor of La Independent, a liberal newspaper published in Fribourg, as a reliable man who could furnish me with the detailed information I sought. Thither I went in the hope of finding M. Python In. Fortune fayored me. I found that he was at home and would be at his office within an hour. In company with a young professor of philosophy at the nearby university, I sat down to wait. Present ly, a portly, well-dressed man, who bore him self like a commanding general, went by and entered the inner office. It was M. Python. While we waited, the young professor imparted to me confidential information evidently cal culated to impress me with tho greatness of man I was about to meet. "He is master of this canton, which he holds in the hollow of hishand," said ho. "Nothing is done unless he first approves appointments, election of candidates, all legislation everything! Ah, he is a very powerful and a verylever man. Tho people have nothing to say but he helps our university." . ..,,,, I said little and sat listening and thinking. ' The-professor was a splendid young fellow, good- " natured, keen, intellectual, with the philosophy - of dead centuries packed away in his brain, ir he was conscious of the crime against democ racy which his story revealed, he did not show It To bo sure, the people were disregarded, but-to him the whole situation seemed a good joke. M. Python was a clever man and he holped the university. Suddenly the door opened and the attendant ushered us into the presence 'of the autocrat. M first thought was, "A typical ward heeler!" $ medium height; heavy-built but not too fat; round head, thick neck, closely cropped hair. lensual face and cold inquiring eyes ho looked the part He-received us formally, as one sure -of his power and accustomed to mastery. There was a certain curtness in his manner which - warned the visitor to be brief. The Professor ' , -ff of e.eot.onB for twen- TSi to "anoSTnuestion ne br.er !SI5tii form of government enjoyed br Sta "n?on nniTded by stating not without u ma cu-uvwu thouKh the fact shouia . SE'&M.'?" the eye, of . give ""'".. ,i wa 0 oniy canton lnSwitz- . . SEdwTtafl TinltUtive' and referendum With all the disinterested curiosity I could aummon, I asked, "Why?" Python's manner became most amusing. Ho shrugged his shoulders, smirked, paused a whilo and looked at his desk, evidently a diplomatic answer. Finally," discovering it, ho ralsod both 'hands in the so-so gesture, of a Jewish peddler selling goods "below cost," and said, "There has been no opportunity to vote upon tho question." Evidently he had forgotten that not two years before 8,500 citizens of tho canton had petitioned his grrnd council to submit this very question to a decision of the voters, and that tho petition 'had never been so much as noticed, because M. Python had said, "No." Tho people wero -helpless, since In Fribourg, as In all American states, save three, any constitutional amend ment to be submitted must first bo approved by tho legislature. Suddenly, with the only trace of vivacity ex hibited throughout the interview, M. Python began explaining that there had been no general revision of the constitution since 1857. In fact, tho citizens had voted against such a revision and so had indicated that they did not want tho referendum. I was left to infer that such a question could bo considered only at a general revision. Here again I recalled that M. Python has al ways fought any revision, and that while all other cantons of Switzerland have made many changes and improvements In their constitutions during the last fifty years-, Fribourg has made only two minor alterations. As far at least as tho progressive citizens' not wanting a change I knew there had been one election on the ques tion of a general revision and that it was car ried four to one by those who voted, but was declared lost because a beneficent provision of tho constitution requires a "majoritlo absolute" of all the voters necessary to order a revision. Another archaic provision in eleven American constitutions. M. Python .had been wary from tho first and evidently the conversation had tako a turn ho .did not relish. I was about to ask his opinion of the initiative and referendum when ho abruptly closed tho interview and I was given no further opportunity to ask questions. Leaving his office, I was soon on my way to see Dr. Gross, the leader of the forces of reform. No greater contrast can bo Imagined than that presented by these two men. M. Python was a typical boss, iron will, cold heart, cunning brain, convenient memory, secretive and a fighter. Ho had received me' as a possible enemy. Dr. Gross, on the other hand, greeted mo with a hearty handshake and a warm welcome, He had a re fined face which bespoke an honest heart, and in his eyes burned the world-old fire and devo tion of the patriot. A few sentences revealed his grip of facts and tho reach of his vision. "Tho canton of Fribourg is In a sad plight now," said the editor, "but It was not always so. Fribourg was once free and progressive. From 1847 to 1857 the canton was radical. Then on until 1881 it was liberal. There was a public opinion then, but there is none now, for since 1881 we have had the regime Pvtho nian which has in twenty-seven years killed all there was of political vigor in the people. This Machlavelll has succeeded in changing the brains of this old free citizenship Into a mediocrity which shows a deadly Indifference to public affairs. All other cantons of Switzerland are making democratic progress. Even Valais Isvbe Ing modernized. Fribourg alone Ib condemned to reaction and is looked upon as an old mile stone in all free Switzerland the first nation to deliver Itself from the iron heel of European despots." "But how do you account for the power of this Python?" said I. "The reasons are many. Perhaps tho great est Is through a monopoly of the money market by his absolute control of the two largest banks. A private bank, 'Bank Cantonal,' Is controlled by him and through his political power he has had himself made director of the 'Bank Do l"Etat, owned by the canton and established under his regime. He and two of his political tools control this bank, and-through these two bank pass all the finances of the,canton.. Busi ness men, contractor and all who need money can borrow cheaper of Uicbo banks than olse whero, if they aro his supporter politically, Somotlmos oven no security Is asked; only tho word. This, you see, Insures tho backing of & bualnesa .clement. "Anothor sourco of his power lies In tha antl religloun character of tiro 'opposition up- to thte time. This ho cleverly 'UBCB-toenllst the sup port of tho priests and prejudice tho masses, who aro mostly fnrmors, extremely conserva tive, a majority of thorn Catholics. Thoy are largely undor tho control of tho priests, to whom Python to genorous. Ho has helped them build a university horo. , "Again, aU public officials, whether elected r appointed, are of his choosing. A man whom Python favors Is sure of election, but he must 'marcher a la bagnotto' -that Is. 'march by tho littlo stick,' or oboy blindly. Ho solects tho university professors and. all employee:! In tho various departments of tho government and public Institutions, down oven to tho stone cut ters on tho public roads. There is ono single exception: tho ground molo catchers arc tha only officials whoso politics aro not inquired Into. In his appointments, tho Intelligence capacity or honesty of tho applicant aro seldom taken into account. Partisan politics Is alone con sidered. In many offices there are threo men employed whero ono could easily do tho work, "Ho Is adroit in giving fat John or positions of honor to mombors of tho leading families of tho canton, thus gaining their support or silenc ing their opposition. Every young mnn who hopes for position or advancement must look to Python. Thoro aro in all hetweon two and three thousand employees of the state and with such a battalion of agents, you can Imagine his power, for they are all at his disposal when he wants them on election day!" "Any special trlcka practiced at election tlmo?" I inquired. "Yes, largo crowds of men aro Imported and kept in hotels and boarding houses tho night before election. They are promised Jobs If they vote Python's way. A short tlmo previous to election day many more men aro employed on tho streets and In tho public works. There Is a by-word hero, 'I think wo shall soon have an election, as there aro so many men on the streets.' Even tho university students, no mat ter whero thoy come from, are allowed to vote -for Python. At election tlmo beer and wines aro free and Python becomes more charitable, giving food to tho poor, and oven clothes In somo cases. "Python Is an astute politician and often nets his opponents to quarreling among themselves. In this manner ho splits their force. Moreover, ho gerrymanders tho election districts so that it is Impossible for the liberals to elect but a few members of tho grand council. Still Python welcomes this, as an opposition of some sort la necessary to him." By this time I was laughing, and tho good doctor who had been unfolding tho Iniquities which weighed so heavily on his heart In all earnestness and sincerity, stopped and looked at mo in astonishment. "Why do you laugh?" ho asked. "It Is so Hko America that I begin to feel at homo. The exact methods you describe are practiced in every corner of my country, yet the wise ones say the reason Switzerland baa pure government Is because of the superior po litical intelligence and honesty of its people; because it is small; and, again, because there Is littlo wealth, and what we call 'grafting' would not be worth while; still, here In your capton I find what wo call a 'political machine perfect, even to minute details." It was Dr. Gross' turn to laugh. "But tell me," I continued, "what are tho re sults of this regime, and how does Python use his power?" - "Let me answer that by reading some edi torial writings In recent Issues of La Indepen dent. Ah, here Is one exactly to the point," ha resumed, after running through a file of tha paper. "It la entitled 'Caesarism and Conse quences.' " Suddenly he looked up and said impressively, "Tho most fatal consequence of .any -Caesarism to any civilization Is not th money stolen from tho people, but tho-destruo- Jlii&jLi.4-4