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The Commoner.
OCTOBER 2g, 1D10
7
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Xern anJ Beveridge
John W. Kern, democratic nomlneo for tho
"United States senate, is no stranger to tho peo
ple of Indiana. Candidate for governor in 1900
and in 1904, and for vice presldont in 1908, his
name Is familiar to overy intelligent voter
throughout the length and breadth of tho state.
His opponent for tho ofllco to which- ho now
aspires is tho present senior senator, Albert J.
Beveridge.
Senator Beveridgo is also well known to tho
voters of Indiana, having been United States
senator sinco 1899
Senator Beveridgo is classed among tho so
called "progressive," or "Insurgent" republicans.
He voted against the Payne-Aldrich republican
tariff bill not because ho has ceased to bo an
adherent of tho "beneficlent" system of protec
tion, but by reason of the fact that ho differed
from his party associates on some questions of
detail in the distribution of tho tariff plunder.
John W. Kern has all his life boon opposed
to that principle of legislation which "lays with
one hand the power of tho government on tho
property of the citizen, and with the other be
stows it upon favored individuals, to aid privato
enterprises and build up privato fortunes."
Senator Beveridge appeals to the democratic
and independent voters on tho ground that ho
has "progressed" (quite recently) to tho point
where he is inclined to question tho wisdom of
a schedule here and there in a general system of
tariff taxation for tho purpose of affording pro
tection to certain industries, and to onablo tho
owners of those industries to mako "a reason
able profit" at tho expense of tho general public.
John W. Kern is opposed to that system alto
gether, root and branch, lock and key. Ho be
lieves that the government exceeds its legiti
mate function when it employs tho power of
taxation against one class of individuals and
In favor of another, so as to impoverish tho ono
class and give unlimited wealth and prosperity
to the other.
Senator Beveridgo makes another special ap
peal to tho labor vote. He asks for the support
of organized labor because ho introduced into
tho United States senate a child labor bill. In
1897, in a debate with Mr. Bryan, published in
the Reader Magazine, Senator Beveridgo said
he intended to press his child labor bill to a
final vote at the next session of congress. Two
sessions one general, and ono special havo
been held since then. Senator Bevoridge has not
pressed his child labor bill to a vote. Why?
Probably because Senator Beveridge agrees with
the best constitutional lawyers In the senato In
tho opinion that it is properly a subject of stato
and. not of federal legislation. Ho introduced
It and parades it for campaign purposes.
Years ago, before, Albert J. Beveridge was
thought of as a senator, John W. Kern not only
talked in favor of a law protecting children, but
voted for, and secured tho enactment of such a
law. In 1893, John W. Kern was a member of
the state legislature, representing Marion county
in the senato.
During the session of 1893, tho legislative
committee of organized labor requested the
legislature to enact a law providing that- chil
dren under the age of fourteen years should not
be employed by any person or corporation en
gaged in manufacturing iron, steel nails, metals,
machinery or tobacco, and that no child under
fourteen years of age engaged In any manufac
turing business should be permitted to work
more than eight hours a day. John W. Kern
championed this bill in the Indiana assembly,
spoke for it, voted for it, stayed with It by night
and day, secured Its passage through both
houses, and It was signed by the governor on
the 25th day of February, 1893. It is substan
tially the law of Indiana today.
From these two records one of promises, tho
other of deeds, the laboring man may rqadlly
perceive tho characteristics of tho two men.
The one, as a state senator, seventeen yearn
ago championed a child labor bill and secured
its enactment Into law. Since them he has been
twice a candidate for governor, onco a candi
date for vice president, and now Is a candidate
lor United States senator. In all these cam
paigns he has solicited the worklngman for his
vote, yet never once in any speech has ho re
ferred to his part In the enactment of this law.
It Is doubtful If one laboring man out of ten, at
the present time, knows of this record of John
"W. Kern. Ho has not paraded It before the
public, but trusted that thoso interested in th
subject would take the troublo to oxamlno tho
record for themselves.
4 Senator Boverldgo Introduced a bill on tho
subject several years ago. Ho has talked about
it overy sinco, nnd written about it in tho maga
zines. Ho has never brought it to a vote Ho
has nursed it as his political stock In trado
and today Is still talking about what ho intends
to do about It at some futuro time.
This record of tho deeds of Korn, and of tho
words o Beveridgo; of tho modest porformanco
of tho ono, and tho etornal parading of tho
other, illustrates completely tho charactor of tho
two men. Indianapolis Now Era.
Practical Tariff Talks
A Commoner reader asks for some more in
formation about schodulo K, tho woolen sched
ule. This is ono which oven President .Taft
said Is indefensible, and it is. In tho discussion
of tho Payne bill, Congressman Sisson of Mis
sissippi made a most Illuminating delineation
of tho iniquities of this schedule. It is too long
to reproduce hero, but somo of tho salient feat
ures follow. Ho produced statistics to show that
tho value of tho woolen manufactures of tho
United States in 1905 was $767,210,900. If
these same goods had been purchased abroad
they would havo cost $404,651,368. This
leaves a margin of protection on manufactures
of wool of $362,509,622, which la tho excess
paid by the usors of woolens for tho privilege
of having them 'manufactured in this country
rather than abroad. Mr. Sisson ostimated that
the labor cost of producing thoso goods in
America was $136,069,063. If tho American
workman in the woolen mills earns twice as
much as does tho woolen worker abroad, then
tho difference in labor cost is represented by
half that sum, or $67,534,000. Tho difference
between the protection given, $362,000,000 and
the sum paid by tho manufacturers to their
workmen in excess of what the European man
ufacturer pays his workmen, is $295,000,000.
ThiB money goes Into tho pockets of the manu
facturers and not into tho treasury of tho United
States.
Every time wo buy $1 worth of foreign goods
we purchase $34 worth from our homo manu
facturers, said Mr. Sisson. Every tlmo $1 is
paid into the national treasury under this wool
en schedule from woolen imports, $14.40 clean,
clear-cut profit over and above a logltimato
foreign profit, over and abovo cost of labor at
home, over and abovo freight charges across tho
Atlantic, goes Into tho pockots of tho manu
facturer of woolon goods. To illustrate how tha
consumer is hit, Mr. Slnson took a wool hat
such as costs tho jobber $2 hero and $1 abroad.
Tho wholesalo morchnnt adds 20 per cent to
tho cost for his profit. This makes 40 con in
profit Instead of 20, ns it would havo boon had
ho paid but $1 for tho hat. Then tho retail
morchnnt wants 10 por cent to cover cost of
carriage and 25 por cant for his profit. Ho
adds 35 por cent to tho $2.40 cost, nnd soils
tho hat for $3.25. Thus a hat that would cost
the wholesaler In tho English markol $1 ban
grown so fast in valuo that whon It In pur
chased by an American tho coat to him has ad
vanced 22r por cent, whllo tho tariff was a
llttlo less than 100 por cent.
Tho clothing itom comes very closo homo to
cvory person. In 1905 thoro was manufactured
in Amorlca $356,000,000 worth of mon'c cloth
ing. None of this was imported; nil was used
hero at home. Tho Importation of clothing watt
very small, a llttlo less than $2,000,000, and
the tariff duty collectod wns $1,500,000. Tho
duty on mon's clothing avornges about 82 por
cont. Thoro is left a margin for protection on
tho wholo output tho sum of $170,000,000. Al
lowing that tho American clothing workor gota
twlco as much as tho similar workman abroad,
the difference in cost of labor would bo one
half tho total sum paid out in this country
($67,000,000) or $28,500,000, leaving a net
margin to tho American manufacturers of
$141,500,000. This Is what tho American man
ufacturer can charge over and abovo tho legiti
mate profit of tho foroign manufacturer, and
what tariff schedule K pormlts him to charge
If ho doea not chargo it, then tho tariff is too
high and ought to be reduced because ho haft
. unnecessary protection. If ho doos chnrgo the
full price tho tariff permits him to chargo, then
he is enriching himself at tho expense of tho
men who must buy what ho consumes.
It is not beyond reason to arguo that if a
citizen believed that when he paid $2 for a wool
en garment, 95 cents of it wont to tho
treasury to pay expenses of government, ho
would not object. If ho believed that of that
$2 there was paid to tho man whose labor wont
into it 33 cents to enable him to havo a higher
standard of living than tho foroign wool worker
ho might not protest. But If ho know that of
that excess of 95 cents, 62 cents went to tho
manufacturer and that for cvory dollar of
revenue from this sourco to tho government tho
manufacturer drow $82 profit ho would havo
something to say. And yet this la tho division
shown by tho figures. C. Q. D.
The Commoners Million Army
In the campaign of 1908 Tho Commoner's
Million Army rendered distinguished service to
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lieved that a similar organization will even be
ablo to do better work In the year of 1910 now
that men who were heretofore indifferent are
aroused to tho Importance of action;
If half of tho readers of Tho Commoner would
take active interest in the organization of this
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diately noticeable and tho contribution to the
welfare of popular government would be
enormous.
Many individuals aro willing to help in a
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a struggle surf as tho ono we are now engaging
In, tho efforts of every man, woman and child
on the side of popular government will count
and in The Commoner's Million Army a practl
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Signed -
Address
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