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The Commoner.
VOLUME 10, NUMBER 29
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The Commoner.
Mr. Bryan on Porto Rico
Lincoln, Nob., April 30, 1910.
Gentlemen of the Hougo Committee
on Insular Affairs:
Availing myself of the permission
given by the committee when, I ap
peared before it on the "19th of April,
I beg to submit some observations
on tho provisions of the bill relating
to the government of Porto Rico.
If I were discussing tho question
as an abstract proposition I would
urge full and complete territorial
government for the people of Porto
Rico, but as the majority of the mem
bers of tho committee favor a differ
ent policy I shall simply urge certain
amendments to tho bill in the hope
that they may he adopted.
In the first place, I am convinced
that the Porto Rlcans should bo giv
en collective citizenship instead of
being compelled to apply for citizen
ship individually. The fact that the
platform of the two leading parties
directly or by implication declared
for collective citizenship ought, in it
self, to settle the matter. If a' plat
form is not binding it is worse than
useless it is a fraud, for it helps to
secure political authority by false
pretenses.
But th Porto Ricans would be en
titled to collective citizenship even
if no party had declared for it. They
welcomed American occupation; for
twelve years they have been loyal
to tho flag of our union; and they
aTe anxious to become more closely
identified with tho United States.
Why humiliate them by compelling
them to enter the union through a
door so narrow that it will admit
them only one at a time?
Moreover, nothing is to be' gained
by our government or for bur people
through the adoption of a method
of naturalization so odious to a
friendly population. No one is ex
cluded; every Porto Rican can come
in through individual naturalization
if he wishes. If it was the intention
of the committee to keep some of the
Porto Ricans out of citizenship it
would be possible to do so by indi
vidual naturalization provided the
necessary restrictions were added,
and those who objected to conferring
citizenship upon all might defend
such a measure, but when the meas
ure makes it possible for all Porto
Ricans to become citizens simply by
applying why prolong the process
and hedge it about with unnecessary
hardships?
It is admitted that but a few of the
Porto Ricans object to becoming citi
zens, why not put the burden of in
dividual action upon the few who
are hostile to us rather than upon
the many who are friendly and who
are anxious to become citizens?
Surely the committee will, on reflec
tion, grant the very reasonable re
quest of the Porto Ricans for col
lective citizenship, and thus remove
a cause of dissatisfaction and dis
cord. The second important request of
the Porto Ricans which Is denied by
tho bill reported to the house, is the
request for an elective senate; and
here, too, the plan proposed by the
committee produces irritation with
out bringing any real benefit to the
administration. It ought to be suffi
cient to condemn the committee's
plan for an appointive senate to point
out that it is an un-American plan.
It la European a relic of an ex
piring aristocracy. In our federal
government and in our states both
branches of the legislature aTe elect
ed, and as our government in Porto
Rico will be in a sense an example
to the Spanish speaking peoples of
South and Central America, it ought
to be made as perfect as possible.
At least It ought to harmonize in its
general features with tho theory of
government applied in the United
States.
What purpose would an appointive
senate serve that an elective senate
would not better secure? What evils
would an appointive senate prevent
that would not be more certainly
prevented by an elective senate? Is
it thought that an appointive senate
would be more apt to support the
recommendations of the administra
tion? Before the governor's recom-.
mendations can be crystallized into
law they must bo approved of by
both the senate and the hqjuse, and
the house of representatives is elect
ive. One house, therefore, can block
an administration measure as effec
tively as such a measure can be
blocked by two houses, and one elec
tive body would be more likely to
block the measure than two elective
bodies. The dissatisfaction which
must continue so long as Porto.
Ricans are denied tho rights which
we demand for ourselves as a mat
ter of course tends to prevent har
monious co-operation between the
two bodies and, moreover, the ad
ministration would be more apt to
receive support in the house if there
were an elective senate to share the
responsibility with the house. In
other words, " two elective bodies
would be more apt to support the
administration 'than one elective body
because they could share the respon
sibility and have companionship in
meeting any criticism that might be
directed against them. Where one
body alone must give voice to the
wishes of the people of Porto Rico
it is much more pt to , differ from a.
co-ordinat'e appointive legislative
body than it would from an elective
body.
An appointive senate is not neces
sary to furnish the governor with a
legislative champion. The president
of the United States has no cabinet
officers in the senate to defend his
policy, and yet he fares as well as
the governments which malce legis
lators out of their cabinet members.
An appointive senate is not neces
sary to veto measures passed by an
elective house, the governor can be
given an absolute veto, and this
would be as effective in obstructing
any improper jegisiation as a senate
appointed by him. It must be re
membered, too, that the bill renort-
ed by the committee reserves to con
gress the right to annul any law
passed by the Porto Rican legislature
even with tho approval of the gov
ernor. If collective citizenship and the
elective senate are conceded to the
Porto Ricans there will be no diffi
culty In securing an agreement on
the other provisions of the bill, and
iuou uvuiuui juuon win nave a
united people behind him in his effort
to develop the island.
There aro two other features of
the bill to which I wish tn rofo.
briefly. I believe that the original
bill provided for a department of ag
riculture, labor and commerce, but
that by an amendment the creation
of that department has been left to
the local legislature. I believe it
would bo better for the bill to cre
ate that department and nut it on
an equal footing with other depart
ments. It is second to none in im
portance, and its creation should not
be delayed. Neither should the de
partment itself stand in a different
attitude from the other departments
in relation to the
Washington.
A word as to franchises. I need
hardly suggest to the members of
the committee that the granting of
franchisee is a vary delicate part of
tho work of a governing body, it
Is af source of corruption in our own
country, and the power to grant
franchises is abused here even when
officials are elected by the people,
and when they perform their official
duties amid the environments of
home and in the very presence of
the voters. How much more danger
there is of corruption when tho offi
cials are serving away from home
and acting for people who can
neither elect them nor discharge
them? Every possible safeguard
should be thrown about the grant
ing of franchises. No perpetual
franchise should bo granted any
where, at any time, or under any
circumstance. A perpetual franchise
must be abhorrent to every one who
has any understanding of govern
ment or who feels an interest in pos
terity. The shorter the term of tho
frarichise the better. The right of
revocation should be reserved in
every case, and in the case of nat
ural monopolies tho right of pur
chase by the government should also
be reserved. The referendum should
be used wherever possible. As all
franchises are granted on the theory
that they are for the benefit of the
people, the people should be allowed
to ratify or repudiate the action of
the granting body. If in the case of
Porto Ricans it is not thought proper
to allow a popular referendum on the
franchise although it requires less
general information to vote upon a
single proposition than to vote for
candidates who have to act on a num
ber of propositions if, I Tepeat,
it is not thought proper to allow a
popular referendum on Porto Rican
franchise, the insular legislature at
least should be permitted to act upon
propositions relating to franchise. No
harm can come from this, for con
gress is in session once each year and
can grant, any franchise , it desires
in case the insula'r legislature re
fuses to approve of a meritorious
proposition. There is more to be
feared from the granting, of fran
chises that should not be granted
than from a few months delay in the
granting of a: franchise that should
be granted.
I venture these suggestions not
only because I believe the amend
ments proposed would be good for
the people of Porto Rico, but because
I am convinced that they would be
good for the people of our country
as well. The Porto Ricans are a
part of the United States, and it Is
as important for us as for them that
haTmony and good will shall exist
between them and the people of the
United States, and good will can not
exist unless it rests upon justice.
When I talked to the people of Porto
Rico I appealed to them to trust the
sense of justice in the American
heart; I now appeal to your commit
tee to so manifest that sense of jus
tice as to leave no room for doubt
in the minds of Porto Ricans.
With great respect, etc., I am,
Very truly yours,
i W. J. BRYAN.
A PETITION IN BANKRUPTCY
Many delicate compliments have
been paid the fair sex by men subtle
in speech, but the following comes
straight from the heart of an Illiter
ate negro, who was married in the
south the other day by a white min
ister. At the conclusion of tho mar
riage the groom asked the price of
the service.
"Oh, well," answered the minister,
'you can pay me whatever you think
it is worth to you."
The negro turned and silently
government at looked his bride oyer from head to
loot; men, slowly rolling up the
whites of his eyes, said:
"Lawd, Bah, you has done ruined,
me for fife; you haa, for ur." i
Harper'g Monthly. "
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