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The Commoner.
3
JULY IB, 1910
y"HwT?
after the election Is over you will publish the
names of those who gave the monoy to buy the
election. If publicity has any virtue in this
world, it is to give to tho voters the names of
those that are back of tho candidacy and con
tributing to tho election of the respective men
asking the suffrage of the people. Publish tho
name3 and amounts of those who contribute.
Let this bo done before the election. Let tho
voter with ballot in hand, have tho opportunity
to. see the forces that are furnishing tho cam
paign boodle. Let the man who, around a
cheerless and humblo fireside, almost shivers
In the cold see if the coal trust is contributing
to one of the candidates. (Applause.) Let tho
ballot holder in his cottage or cabin in which
no light scarcely ever burns see if the oil trust
is furnishing money to one of the parties. (Ap
plause.) Let the ragged man whoso family,
scantily clad, left at homo when he goes in to
cast his ballot see if the wool trust, the clothing
trust, or the -shoe trust are giving their monoy
to help elect a supposed and self-proclaimed
friend of the people. Let the hungry man whose
fa'mily has been denied meat by the greatly in
creased price know before ho determines his
choico whether tho meat trust is financing ono
of the candidates. (Applause.) Let them have
this information, and thus enlightened, let them
vote, remembering that Bible truth that neither
parties nor men can serve both God and Mam
mon. When you publish after election, why do
you do it? It is for tho people that they may
see who contributed; yet they are then without
a remedy, except to wait two, four, or six years
to get at the candidate. The wrong has been
done and the information is ineffective. Let
the bill be a publicity bill in reality, and wheth
er the amount contributed is sufficient to buy a
king's ransom or is a widow's mite, publish
it to the world. (Applause.) If the money is
tainted, do not take it, but if you take it, have
tho courage to say that you took it. (Applause.)
My friend from Michigan said that this meas
ure was never thought of except by the gentle
man from Missouri (Mr. Rucker). I would call
the gentleman's attention to the fact that it is
the democratic mind in this country that in
dents legislation in the interest of the people.
(Applause.) I would also call his attention to
the fact that it was in the democratic national
platform of 1908 that we declared for publicity
of campaign funds before the election. (Ap
plause.) Here is what wo said:
PUBLICITY OP CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS
"Wo demand federal legislation forever termin
ating tho partnership which has existed between
corporations of tho country and tho republican
party under the expressed or implied agreement
that in return for the contribution- of great sums
of monoy wherewith to purchase elections they
should be allowed to continue substantially un
molested in their efforts to encroach upon tho
rights of the people.
"Any reasonable doubt as to tho existence of
this relation has been dispelled by tho sworn testi
mony of witnesses examined In the insurance in
vestigation in New York, and the open admission
of a single individual unchallenged by the repub
lican national committee that he himself, at the
personal request of the then republican candidate
for the presidency, raised over a quarter of a mil
lion of dollars to be used in a single state during
tho closing hours of tho last campaign. In order
that this practice shall be stopped for all tlmo
we demand the passage of a statute punishing by
imprisonment any ofllcer of a corporation who shall
either contribute on behalf of, or consent to tho
contribution by, a corporation of any money or
thing of value to bo used in furthering tho election
of a president or vice president of the United
States or any member of tho congress thereof.
"We denounce tho republican party, having com
plete control of tho federal government, for Its
failure to pass tho bill, Introduced in tho last
congress, to compel tho publication of tho names
of contributors and tho amounts contributed to
ward campaign funds, and point to tho evidence
of the sincerity of republican leaders when they
sought, by an absolutely irrelevant and Imposslblo
amendment, to defeat the passage of the bill. As
a further evidence of their Intention to conduct
their campaign in tho coming contest with vast
sums of monoy wrested from favor-seeking cor
porations wo call attention to the fact that tho re
cent republican natfonal convention at Chicago
refused, when tho issue was presented to It, to de
claro against such practices.
""Wo pledge the democratic party to the enact
ment of a law prohibiting any corporation from
contributing to a campaign fund and any indi
vidual from contributing any amount above a rea
sonable maximum, and providing for the publica
tion, before election, of all such contributions
1 abovo a reasonablo maximum."
Mr. Speaker, no one can doubt the wisdom
and justice of this platform declaration. Cor
porations are created by law. They are given
certain rights, privileges, and exemptions that
do not belong to individuals, and they should
not be permitted to contribute a single dollar
to any candidate or party, because, when they
do so, it is done for the evident purpose of sel
fish ends, for special privileges, for undue ad
vantages; and when a citizen contributes ho
may claim and say that he was actuated by
patriotism, by love of country, but the party
that takes his monoy ought to bo willing to
publish it beforo tho election and ho ought not
to bo ashamed himself to have it dono, and tho
size of his contribution ought to bo limited by
law. If they are actuated by honest motives and
just purposes, no reasonablo objection can bo
mado to them.
Let our iriotto bo, "Take tho peoplo Into your
confidence." You make your platforms boforo
election. You do this because you want to ap
peal to the honest judgment of tho voters. You
make your promises to them; you ought to bo
willing to turn on tho light; let tho peoplo seo
if there is any behind-the-sceno agreement. Lot
them know who aro interested in your success.
Let them know if you aro promising something
in the platform to the peoplo and behind tho
scen6 dealing with their oppressors. Bo in tho
open. If you promise to destroy tho trusts in
your platform, publish tho names of thoso who
aro supplying you with money to run your cam
paign. Let them seo if tho trusts are contribu
tors. Let tho peoplo see. Do you want to re
tain the confidence of tho peoplo and tho money
of tho vested interests at tho samo time? Which
would have been tho best barometer to have
determined in the last campaign of 1908, wheth
er you were going to rovlso tho tariff downward
in tho interest of the consumer, your platform
promise, or your campaign contributors. Tho
people would not have been fooled by tho re
publican party if they could have seen your
campaign contribution list before the election.
Yet, it Is too late now, the tariff is revised up
ward in tho Interest of tho favored few Instead
of downward In the interest of tho consumer;
prices are soaring, every necessity of Hfo is go
ing by leaps and bounds higher. We have to
wait until another election. Tho vested inter
ests are safely intrenched. The schedules they
desired in the tariff bill have been written. Tho
people aro paying the bill.
Tho republicans promised, of course, that they
would revise the tariff, and some of them point
to tho fact that they have kept that promise.
They seemingly honestly urge that the word
"revise" meant exactly what they did to tho
tariff, for they point out that revised is derived
from two Latin words re, meaning again, and
visum, seen. They innocently say they saw the
tariff again and therefore "revised" it. This, ac
cording to this sophistry, is doubtless true. They
saw it again, but they raised It so high that no
body else has been able to see it since they
passed the Payne-Aldrich bill.
Mr. Gaines. Will you permit an inquiry?
Mr. James. If you will give a minute addi
tional to reply.
Mr. Gaines. I will give you a minuto to reply
if you want it. Is there any state in tho union,
save Oklahoma, which requires the publication
of campaign contributions before election? Is
it not a fact that even tho democratic legislature
in Kentucky never suggested the proposition for
which you now contend?
Mr. James. It does not matter whether a
state In the union has dono it or has not. You
must meet the issue, Is it right or wrong? That
is the way to meet the Issue, not by saying no
state has it. We aro legislating for tho whole
people. (Applause.) Let us start the march
of reform; let us set an example for others
to follow. Mr. Speaker, the people of the
United States aro demanding that the power
of money shall be curbed. If we had this pub
licity measure upon the statute books, the mo
ment the voter knew that the oil trust, the meat
trust, and, the steel trust and the wool trust had
made a contribution to the republican campaign
fund he might, with somo wisdom, determine
whether you would keep your promise to revise
the tariff In the Interest of the consumer. But
you provide that after that election, after tho
election has been bought, after the candidate
has gotten his seat, and that after those whose
tenure of office la -from two to six yeaTs have
been successfully placed in their respective
offices, tfien when all is quiet and nobody af
fected by it the publication shall be made of
campaign expenses. The power of money 'sed
by combinations, trusts, and monopolies, Mr.
Speaker, is undermining this republic. GIvo
us tho light of publicity which we need before
election. I would warn you of the mighty
truth that republics live only in the light. It
is only darkness that fosters socialism and dis
order. Let the torch of publicity light our na
tional highway. Let men or paTties take their
choice between the money of tho designing rich
and the ballots of tho honest poor. Let us raise
the battle flag of honest elections. Let tho
voter be unbought, unafraid, and unfooled.
(Loud applause on the democratic side.)
KMHEZZLEMI3NT OP POWKR
Tho primary will soon bo horo, and as candi
dates are already onterlng upon their canvass,
it behooves tho democrats of Nobraska to know
tho views of thoso who asplro to offlco. Wo havo
ono hundred representatives and thlrty-thrco
senators to olect to tho legislature, and every
candidate Bhould bo put on record upon tho
questions at issuo. No candldato is deserving
of democratic support unless ho bolioves that a
platform Is binding. A platform which Is not
binding Is a fraud upon tho public, and tho man
who repudiates a platform after ho Is elected
upon it is an oinbozzlor of power.
Next to believing in platforms comes tho se
curing of a platform that represents the wishes
of tho voters. On national questions tho demo
crats of Nebraska are agrood, as they havo boon
for more than fifteen years, but as thoro aro
differences of opinion on state Issues, It Is neces
sary that thoso shall bo given careful consider
ation and that tho platform on all of thoso
questions shall bo clear and specific and ropro
sont tho sontimont of tho voters. Thoro is one
issuo to which special attention ought to bo
called at this time. It Is tho issuo presented
in tho initiative and referendum. Tho sentiment
In favor of this is practically unanimous among
democrats, and yot in tho last legislature a few
democratic senators assumed tho responsibility
of defeating tho initiative and referendum reso
lution. This resolution had the support of tho
democratic governor, of nearly all tho demo
cratic members of tho houso and of moro than
half of tho democratic members of tho senate,
but in spite of this endorsement of a funda
mental democratic doctrine, tho following demo
cratic senators voted against tho resolution:
Hansom, Howell, Tanner, Buck, Klein, Buhr
man, Bartos, Volpp and Bease. If four of .theso
had voted for the resolution, tho amendment
would havo been submitted and tho liquor ques
tion would not now bo acute.
Tho democratic voters in tho districts repre
sented, or misrepresented as tho case may bo,
by tho abovo named senators, aro to decide
whether these gentlemen gave expression to the
sentiment of their constituents. Since tho ad
journment of tho legislature a democratic state
convention the convention of 1909 has unani
mously endorsed tho initiative and referendum,
and there Is no doubt thnt tho coming state
convention will do likewise. Yot in splto of
this positive endorsement of this democratic re
form by a state convention Senators Ransom,
Howell, Tanner, Buck, Klein and Bartos recent
ly declared that they would vote against tho
resolution again if a special session was called.
Senator Buhrman, who voted no at tho regular
session, announced that if a special session wan
called, he would voto yes. Senators Volpp and
Besso, who voted no during tho first session,
announced that they would vote no again unless
their constituents asked them to voto yes. Sen
ator Tlbbetts, who voted yes at the regular ses
sion, refused to say how ho would vote at a
special session.
This issuo ought to bo discussed In every sen
atorial and legislative district, and every demo
cratic candidato ought to be compelled to an
nounce himself on tho proposition. No man la
entitled to democratic support who is not willing
to allow the people to rule. If tho peoplo desire
to speak directly on any question and tho In
itiative and referendum gives them this right
they should have tho right to do so. No demo
crat who has gone on record gainst tho initia
tive and referendum should receive democratic
support unless ho has repented and can con
vince his constituents that he can be trusted
to voto for tho proposition at all times and
under all circumstances hereafter. If a demo
cratic official thinks that his conscience told
him to voto againBt tho Initiative and referen
dum, he is mistaken; such suggestions do not
como from that source. It Is the voice of tho
serpent and not the volco of God that prompts
a senator or representative to deny to his peoplo
the right to control their own government. Nono
but tho faithful should bo put on guard at a
timo liko this.
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