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The Commoner.
6
VOLUME 10, NUMBER l
li li
TL
i
CORNELL UNIVERSITY professors aro to In
vestigate tho question, "Did the comet hurt
tho lions?" An Ithaca, Now York, dispatch to
tho Philadelphia North American says: "Whoth
or tho comot had any influonco on tho laying
of eggs Is a question to bo dotormined by tho
professors of poultry of tho stato college of
agrlculturo at Cornell University. A soft-shell
egg with a tail two inches long has been givon
to thorn by William Scott, of Southhill, this city.
Scott says ho is not suro whether it was a white
Loghorn or rod Wyandotte which laid tho egg,
but assorts that it was tho first ono laid since
tho comot found its tail and was to bo seen
In tho westorn sky. At tho timo of doubt as to
whothor tho oarth passed through tho comet's
tail Scott's hens did not lay at all, ho says. Tho
egg is much like tho ordinary soft-shell egg, but
extending from tho rear is a two-inch tail mado
of a harder substance than tho eggshell proper."
THE TERMS of tho postal savings bank bill
as it passed tho house of representatives
aro doscribod by tho Associated Press in this
way: "By this bill a board of trustees is cre
ated, consisting of tho postmastor general, the
eocrotary of tho treasury and tho attornoy gen
eral, who shall declaro what poBtofllces shall
become postal savings banks. Deposits in these
banks mado by any one person shall not be moro
than $100 a month or exceed a total of $500.
An account may bo opened with $1, but stamps
of 10 cents each will bo issued for those desiring
to accumulate monoy to bo depositod. On de
posits 2 per cent interest per annum is to be
paid. Any depositor so desiring can exchange
Ills dopofllts for government bonds to bo issued
In denominations of $20, $40, $60, $80, $100
or $500, to bear interest at 2 per cent per an
num. Tho monoy accumulated in tho postal
Bavings bank Is to bo deposited in both national
and Btato banks In tho vicinity of tho postofllces
In which tho money is deposited by the people,
Guch banks to pay 2& per cent interest. Five
per cent of tho total deposits is to bo retained
by tho secretary of tho treasury as a cash re
servo. Not moro than 10 per cent of these de
posits may be withdrawn by tho government at
any ono time for investment of bonds of the
United States, the balance to remain on deposit
In tho banks. The banks aro roqulred to glvo
as security for the deposits received 'public bonds
or other securities supported by tho taxing pow
er,' which rostricts such securities to somo form
of national, state, municipal or other such bonds
approved by tho board of trustees In charge of
tho postal savings banks. Tho bill passed by
tho house as a substitute for tho senate bill dif
fers from tho Benato moasuro in many particu
lars, chiefly In respect to tho nature of securities
that may be glvon by banks for tho deposits of
postal savings funds received by them. In addi
tion to government, stato and municipal bonds,
v&rlouB other classes of securities, Buch as
mortgages, etc., may be received. The bill has
already passed tho senate."
PRESIDENT TAFT has administered a snub
to Representative Harrison of New York.
Mr. Harrison is a democratic member. Some
time ago Mr. Harrison mado an appointment
with tho president to introduce to him a num
ber of Jewish rabbis who wanted to talk with
tho president on tho question of the expulsion
of Jews from Russia. Mr. Taft's secretary
Norton, informed Mr. Harrison that tho presi
dent refused to see him, but would receive the
rabbis. Representative Goldfogle of New York
then presented tho rabbis to the president. Rop
resenatlve Harrison gave to tho Associated Press
tho following statement: "It is unfortunate for
tho president that he can not stand criticism
It is unfortunate for the country that ho can
not stand the truth. My newspaper statement
at which he takes offense was merely an exposi
tion of the scandalous fact that tho president
had sent to the senate of the United States an
official document in tho Ballinger-Pinohot con
troversy of which the date had been wilfully
falsified by being pre-dated. My resolution of
inquiry drew out this Information in a written
ponfession by the attorney general. It is of no
concern to mo that I am not welcome at tho
White Houbo, but It is of concern to every
American citizen that a statement of tho truth
about tho president may make it impossible for
a representative to discharge his duties. I went
to tho White House today, not as tt matter of
pleasure but in tho expectation of performing
a ..public duty. I wont by appointment mado
by tho presidential ofllco May 31 to present a
delegation of distinguished Hebrews on an im
portant public mission. After a delay of forty
minutes, at tho very door of tho president's
office I was told that tho president would not
receive mo. It is not surprising that he did
not care to face any one who was Instrumental
in bringing to light the desperate attempt to
bolster the administration case in the Ballinger
Plnchot matter by manipulating public docu
ments. If every one who is justly criticising tho
Taft administration is to be barred from tho
White House it will become a lonely place."
Representative Goldfogle stated, as had Repre
sentative Kelllher, that had he known Mr. Har
rison was not to be received at tho White House
he also would have refused to go in.
CONCERNING THE president's "snub" to
Representative Harrison tho Associated
Press says: "Mr. Taft based his refusal to see
Mr. Harrison on statements attributed by news
papers to the representative in connection with
his resolution in the house calling upon Attorney
General Wickersham for full information as to
the connection of his office with the Balllnger
Pinchot episode. Mr. Harrison, according to the
White House version of the matter, charged the
president and the attorney general with having
wilfully attempted to mislead congress in the
back-dating of the attorney general's summary
of the Glavis charges. Secretary Norton was at
first unwilling to discuss the incident. Later,
when he was Informed of the statements mado
by Mr. Harrison, he told tho story. He said
the president had no purpose of publicly hu
miliating tho congressman, and that nothing
would have been said regarding the affair if
Mr. Harrison had not mado tho matter public.
Mr. Norton said that during the congressional
receiving hour he noticed the party of rabbis
awaiting admission to the president's office. He
informed tho president of their presence. Mr.
Taft announced that ho would be glad to receive
every member of the delegation but Mr. Harri
son. Secretary Norton, thereupon invited Mr.
Harrison into his office. Meantime he had the
party shown into the president's office. When
the two were alone tho secretary told Mr. Har
rison the president would not see him. Mr.
Harrison asked if others in the party knew that
the president had barred him, and Mr. Norton
replied that no one knew but they two. Mr.
Norton asserted the president himself had no
previous knowledge that Mr. Harrison was to
be ono of his callers today."
AN IMPERIAL decree was published in China1
early in May announcing that the senate or
imperial assembly, Tzechenyuan, will hold its
inaugural meeting October 3 In accordance with
the decrees on constitutional reform that wero
published during the last reign. A Shanghai
letter printed in the London Times says: "The
members, of whose names tho decree contains
a full list, owe their appointment to selection
by the throne; they number ninety-one in all
and aro drawn from six different classes. Of
these princes and nobles of tho imperial clans
supply fourteen members; tho Manchu and
Chinese nobility twelve; tho princes and nobles
of dependencies outside the eighteen provinces
seventeen; the imperial clansmen other than tho
classes already mentioned six; officials of min
istries and offices thirty-two; and eminent schol
ars ton. Apart from tho seventeen princes and
nobles of dependencies, we find on tho list thirty
nine Manchu names and thirty-flvo Chinese But
these figures do not accurately represent tho
balance of power In favor of tho Manchus, in
that the bulk of tho Chinese representatives ara
drawn from the ranks of officials and scholars
and can scarcely be expected to exercise the
same influence in tho counsels of the assembly
as the princes, nobles, and gentry of the Im
perial clans. The decree contains tho following
exhortation: 'Tho members should understand
that this assemblage of the senate is an unpre
cedented undertaking in China, and will be the
forerunner of the creation of a parliament. They
are earnestly desired to devote to it their pa
triotism and sincerity, to observe proper order,
and to fulfill their duties in representing public
opinion. Thus it is hoped that our sincere wish
to effect constitutional reforms in their proper
order and to aim at success may be duly satis
fied.' So far as tho 'proper order' of the nine
years' constitutional reform program mapped
out in August, 1908, is concerned, it must bo
admitted that tho government has been exact
enough. The provincial assemblies and the sen
ate are well up to time; and on February 6 and
7 last two imperial decrees appeared approv
ing schemes submitted by the commission for
constitutional reforms, for the institution of local
government in perfectures and departments, and
for reform of the judiciary. Both these schemes
come in their 'right place on the program, al
though China is likely to wait some time before
seeing them put into effect. The torture ad
ministered to the two wretched scapegoats at
Changsha before their execution on May 1 does
not suggest much alteration in judicial methods."
THE PROSPECTS for reform in China are de
scribed by the Times correspondent in this
way: "It Is curious to see these nominally con
stitutional bodies appointed before the precise
form of constitution has been decided. In points
of fact that decision, like the trial of the mes
senger in 'Alice Through the Looking-glass
comes last of all' on the 1908 program." This
however, is a comparatively minor point, be
cause no one can expect the constitution to
burst instantaneously into working order,
whether now or six years hence. The tradition"
of too many centuries blocks the way. But tho4
program contains two conspicuously weak points,
according to constitutional ideas. It does not
appear to give either to provincial assemblies
or senate the least say in financial matters; wo
are to wait for the seventh year before a budget
Is drawn up, and there is no clear indication
that this will be done by the assemblies. And
it makes no mention of the control of officials
and official appointments by the assemblies. In
view of these deficiencies it is impossible, with
all the sympathy that one may wish to feel for
Chinas constitutional aspirations, not to won
der whether the reform program can ever at
tain its ostensible purpose. To look at tho
bright side of things, we know that the provincial
assemblies have taken themselves far more ser
iously than the government wished or seems '
to have expected. It was the Nanking provin
cial assembly which a few months ago called
attention to the Shanghai Taotai's use of tho
Huangpu conservancy funds to buy up native
newspapers in Shanghai, and thus contributed
to getting that kind of abuse stopped. Other
examples of energy by the provincial assemblies
might be quoted; and the new senate may yet
prove equally active, provided it is not swamped
by the Manchu contingent But clearly the
thing for tho provincial assemblies to do, in
stead of clamoring for the creation of a parlia
ment, is to endeavor to get some control over
the officials of their respective districts So
long, as the officials remain a class apart, wltK "
possible'1, th6 PUIS0' n real Worn 5
V SEX b ,RGE,R' th0 wel1 known so:
Y ciallst of Milwaukee, speaking in Phila
delphia, replied to President Taft's strictures
upon socialism. Mr. Berger said "President
Taft does not understand socialism. It is not
merely a theory, as he says, but t is a new
phase of civilization, a new epoch in civiHza!'
tlon. It is the phase that will follow capita sS
just as capitalism followed feudalism Sa IS
must come if civilization is to survive How
can anything that is a phase of civilization bo
a 'problem' to be settled by a party or a menace
as President Taft seems to Imply? When cSSl
talism came in it was a menace to feudalism .
Every phase in civilization is a little higher &
the one before, and it has always been a menactf
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