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3
JUNE 10, 1910
The Commoner.
1 -
Roosevelt's statements are based on mislead
ing evidence.' It terms his views 'muddled and
boyish 'The speech was well meant, but it was
wholly unnecessary and is calculated to compli
cate further the difficult problem in Kgjpt,' says
the Westminster Gazette. Even the Evening
Standard, a conservative paper, after efefring
in friendly tone to Roosevelt, declares that his
'laying hands on England's private political sub
jects seems at first glance a social crime. Utile
short of sacrilege.' That Roosevelt violated the
proprieties of the occasion nearly everyone con
cedes, even his friends not defending him on
this charge. To receive at one moment the
greatest honor that the city could confer and in
the next to arraign the English people for the
maladministration of Egyptian affairs was so
unusual that papers have not yet fully recovered
their full composure. Tho Pall Mall Gazette
refers to this feature by saying that 'Roosevelt
prefers realities to the proprieties.' Not since
the death of King Edward have tho London
papers played up a story both editorially and
in a. news way as they have Roosevelt's speech. '
Naturally tho conservative press Is more friendly
than tho liberal and radical, inasmuch as Roose
velt's views are a paraphrase of their own. Tho
Express, Telegraph, Mail, Post, Standard and
Times are almost forced to approve of the
speech. But oven tho conservative press, while
agreeing with his views, doubt the propriety of
his utterances. 'Roosevelt must not be sur
prised,' says the Times, 'should unpleasant mani
festations occur due to the sensitiveness of his
criticism, regarding which it is probable tho
colonel had not reckoned.' The News concludes
contemptuously by decrying tho validity of
Rooseveltis claim to first-hand information after
such a hurried tour of Egypt. Roosevelt's plea
against sentimentality furnished the Leader with
a good laugh and it refers to the colonel as 'the
greatest modern sentimentalist.' The Chronicle
considers Roosevelt's outspokenness a compli
ment to Anglo-American solidarity, and advises
England to take no offense, 'even though the
speech did outrage every conventional canon of
official international -propriety.' The real Tiew
of Roosevelt, however, is found in the streets,
where the people are freed from the restrictions
that bind the government officials and influence
the -press, -utterances. Here the comment is gen
erally and- emphatically that Roosevelt not only
went beyond the bounds of propriety, but that he
touched on a ''subject that was none of his busi
ness. If the street opinions are a criterion,
Roosevelt is less a popular idol today than he
was twenty-four hours ago. Whether England
liked the speech apparently made no difference
to Roosevelt today, for he was rustling about
in his usual jovial mood. He was the guest of
honor, at a luncheon by the Irish nationalist
members of parliament. The luncheon was given
at the Carlton house and presided over by John
Redmond, the nationalist leader."
THE ASSOCIATED Press does not appear to
be in love with the insurgent cause. It
is not always easy for the Associated Press
to conceal its feelings, particularly In a political
crisis. The following is an interesting Wash
ington dispatch carried by the great news dis
penser: "The vote in the senate on the amend
ment of Senator Martin of Virginia as an amend
ment or substitute for the Cummins amendment
affords a fair illustration of what has often been
-observed in the course of the debate on the rail
road bill, namely, that the insurgent republicans
are battling for their political lives, and are
vastly more interested in making political 'capi
tal out of the matter than in accomplishing the
reforms they advocate. They wish to amend the
railroad bill proposed by the regular republi
cans, but they only wish to do it when the
amendments are offered by themselves, and then,
although their only hope of carrying these
amendments lies in securing democratic votes,
they are zealous in claiming the credit for them
selves and as anxious to see that no credit flows
to the democratic party, as they are to defeat
the regulars with the aid of the democratic vote.
The proposed amendment is of value simply to
the extent of the political capital that it gives
to the insurgents. This particular Cummins
amendment in Bubstance provided thai there
should be no increase in rates until such In
crease had been approved of by the railroad
commission. The Martin substitute likewise
provided that there should be no increase in
rates until such proposed increase should be ap
proved of by tho railroad commission and re
quired the commission to pass upon th9 pro
posed Increase within six months from the time
It was filed by the railroad, but if not passed
upon within that time that the increase should
not go into effect, but that the regular rato
should remain In force. Tho object of tho pro
vision simply was to Insure speedy action by
the commission, it being oqually of Interest to tho
railroads and to tho shippers to have any pro
posed change in rato passed upon within a rea
sonable time. But under the provision, if tho
commission was unable to pass upon it within
six months, the increase would not become
operative. The amendment was so obviously fair
and proper that it was thought It would be ac
cepted by the Insurgents, and at one time they
indicated that they would accept it, yet when
offered it failed to receive an insurgent vote, and
yet the Insurgents wore surprised that tho demo
crats did not rally in a solid phalanx to tho sup
port of -the Cummins amendment, which camo
up Immediately thereafter. The Martin amend
ment practically commands as little support
among the insurgents as among the regular re
publicans. The insurgent idea of co-operation
with the democrats seems to bo that the demo
crats shall be tho tail to the insurgent kite."
WESTERN SHIPPERS made a strong plea
to Attorney General Wickersham, urging
him to enjoin the railroads from putting Into
effect a general increase in the freight rates on
June 1, notice of which was given by the rail
roads several weeks ago. Senator LaFollctto
introduced a resolution calling upon the attor
ney general to Issue Injunctions against these
railroads. Senator Elklns objected to an imme
diate consideration of the resolution. Senator
LaFollette said he had introduced his rate reso
lution because the increases to be made by tho
railroads ranging, according to his estimation,
from five to sixty per cent, would impose intol
erable burdens on the people. He declared that
the excuse given that the Increases were made
necause of an advanced wage scale amountod to
mere pretense, and the higher rates would re
sult In annual profits to the railroads of from
$40,000,000 to $800,000,000. Senator LaFol
lette's resolution, although not adopted, had the
effect of causing tho attorney general to act.
Federal Judge Dyer of Hannibal, Mo., issued
injunctions against twenty-five western railroads
restraining them from making tho advance In
railroad' rates. '
THE RAILROAD bill passed the United
States senate June 3 by a vote of fifty to
twelve. No republicans voted against the bill
and six democrats voted for It. They were:
Messrs. Chamberlain, Clay, Gore, Paynter, Sim
mons and Stone. The democrats recorded
against it were: Messrs. Bacon, Fletcher,
Frazier, Hughes, Money, Newlands, Percy, Pur
cell, Rayner, Shively, Smith of Maryland, and
Smith of South Carolina. An Associated Press
dispatch says: "Senators Heyburn and Gal
linger today took Senator LaFollette to task for
his action in offering amendments to bills and
afterward in public lectures parading the
records of senators who opposed his measures.
LaFollette, in a heated reply, said he intended
to pursue the same course in tho future. A
spirited coloquy followed."
ELECTION OF SENATORS BY THE PEOPLE
(Continued from Page 5)
do not rule in fact, because the party machinery
is so largely in the hands of machine men, Is
so largely controlled in the Interest of the few
and against the interest of the many; because
the present mechanism of party management
is so contrived as to largely exclude automati
cally the co-operation of the great body of tho
members of the party, and is so contrived as
to cause the party power to fall by gravity into
the hands of professional manipulators.
The remedy for these evils is to restore tho
government of the people and to overthrow the
present mechanism of paTty government.
In order to accomplish this theremust be:
First An honest and effective registration
law.
Second An honest and effective ballot law.
Third A direct primary law, properly safe
guarded, by which candidates for public office
and for party office may be directly and safely
nominated.
Fourth Constitutional and statutory laws
providing the initiative and referendum, by
which the people may directly legislate, if the
legislature fail, and may directly exercise the
veto power over an act of their representatives
in the legislature if a law is passed they do not
want.
Fifth A thoroughgoing corrupt practices act,
forbidding election rascalities, prohibiting tho
use of money, and providing full publicity.
Sixth An act providing for the publicity
pamphlet, giving tho arguments for and against
every moasuro, the argument for and against
ovory candidate and putting this pamphlet in
tho hands of ovory citizen beforo each election
for his information and guidance.
Seventh Tho right of recall.
I trust to boo tho time como, Mr. President,
when tho citizen can voto with full knowledge
and by secret postal ballot, to bo counted at
state hcadquartors and registered with tho samo
certainty, secrecy, and security that his check
would bo registered In a bank office
Only by tho overthrow of corruption in poli
tics and by tho elimination of tho sinister in
fluences of commercialism will tho people of tho
country ever bo able to consider dispassionately
tho great matters of public policy which aro so
essential to their futuro development and wel
fare. When wo shall have purgod our govern
ment of dishonest methods and have provided
a means by which tho pooplo can intelligently
and honestly rule; when wo shall have provided
a mechanism by which tho people can authori
tatively express themselves, they will voto for
universal peace. The pooplo of tho United States
today, if thoy could voto on tho question of in
ternational peace, "on tho question of limiting
the armament of nations, would heartily bo in
favor of it. The people of Germany would do
tho same thing. The peoplo of Great Britain
would do the same thing.
The danger of war arises not from tho peoplo,
but from ambitious leaders, anxious for activity,
anxious for service, anxious for promotion. Tho
dogs of war In every nation are anxious to fight,
and commercial interests engaged in furnishing
the muniments of war, in furnishing material
for building battleships, fill the press with ru
mors of war when the naval appropriation is
before congress and tend to irritate nations with
each other.
The International mischief makers, who prat
too much about the excessive delicacios of ques
tions of national honor that can only bo settled
by the arbitrament of war, should be sternly
suppressed and would be rendered powerless
for harm under tho rule of tho people.
If tho peoplo could express themselves, they
would immediately vote for good roads, improved
waterways, wholesale education, eight hours of
labor, improved protection of the public health,
lower prices, reasonable control of public-utility
corporations, reasonable freight rates, reason
able rates by express, telephone, and telegraph.
Mr. President, the citizens of tho great re
public -wait in vain for substantial relief, while
machine politicians in state and municipalities
growl at each other; but tho democrats and re
publicans at homo and men of all opinions aro
robbed with perfect impartiality by tho organized
monopolies and trade conspiracies of this coun
try. I am unilling to see the peoplo wait any
longer.
I respectfully submit a simple code of laws
looking to the restoration of the rule of the peo
ple of the United States, and when I say people,
I mean the rule of the republican people, tho
democratic people, the independent people, tho,
socialist people, and the populist peoplo.
At. present these peoplo do not rule; they only
think they rule. They are, in fact, ruled by an
alliance between special commercial interests, at
the head of which Is tho groat political trad
combination known as tho Protective Tariff
League and a great political machine whose
name I need not mention In this presence.
Mr. President, the senator from Oregon has
heretofore set up In the clearest possible man
ner, in his magnificent speech of May the 5th,
the system of the people's rule of Oregon. I
wish to give it my cordial approval and to say
with the adoption of this method the people of
the United States can relieve themselves In very
great measure of the sinister Influences to which
bad government in this country is directly due.
Mr. President, as ono of the steps to tho re
storation of the people's rule I call to the atten
tion of the senate joint resolution No. 41, pro
viding for the submission to the states of tho
union of a constitutional amendment providing
for tho election of senators by direct voto of the
people, and move that the committee on priv
ileges and elections be Instructed to report the
game favorably within thirty days, and on this
motion I call for the yeas and nays.
The American Homestead, a monthly farm
jourtial of national scope, will be sent to all
Commoner subscribers, without additional cost,
who renew their subscriptions during the month
of June. Take advantage of this offer at once,
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