jvn. ffiytmipjrttnpspsvm-v The Commoner. VOLUME 10, NUMBER 2 The Commoner EDUCATIONAL SERIES NJ ISSUED WEEKLY. r-v . itf lOff V V n"1 w Entered at tho Poiitofllco r.t Lincoln, Nobraako, ftH socond-cluHH matter. Wju.iam j. jiuyam Ktlltor and Proprietor men Aim I Mictcamw Awncluto ICdltor CllAHI.K.1 W. JlllTAH rubllRher Ifdltorlnl Noon and UuhIiicm Ofllcw 32-1-530 Foutli 12th Strcol Obo Ycnr fl.00 six nfontim no In Clubu of Flvo or more, per year... .75 Three Month 25 Single Copy 05 Bainplo Copies Free. Foreign PobL Cc Extra. rlUn.SOllII'TlONS can bo ncnt direct to Tho Com moner. They can alo bo went through nowspapero which have advertised a clubbing rate, or through local afrcntfl, vliero uub-afjentH have been nppolnt ed. All remittances should bo sent by poHtofllco S)onoy order, oxpronn ordor, or by bank draft on fow York or Chicago. 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ADVERTISING Rates will bo furnished upon application. Address all communications to THE COMMONER, Lincoln, Neb. ' CIRCULATING THE COMMONER Tho Commoner hna onterod upon Its tonth volumo. In January, 1901, tho first lssuo of Tho Commoner made its appearance. In that issue Mr. Bryan said: "Tho Commonor will bo satiofied u, by fidelity to tho common people, it proves its right to tho namo which has boon chosen." Do you boliovo The Commonor has proved its right to this namo? Do you boliovo that it stands for pop- ular government, according to its edl- tor's honost judgment? Do vou bollavn that in tho croat contest that Is now ho. ing waged botween tho masses and tho mon who, within and without law. lmvn been granted unduo privileges, Tho vjommonor may ho depended upon to battlo for tho nubile intornsts? ir vmi r boliovo this, then you aro in a position vf to aiu tno causo or popular government by participating in tho effort to increase Tho Commoner's circulation. In order to enable you to help a special rate of CO ,cents in clubs of flvo has been made Tho sum of $3.00 will take The Commoner to five of your neighbors for a period of ono year. Will you help? 00 ELKINS ON "MODERN THOUGHT" A Washington dispatch printed in the Phila delphia' North American stated that Senator hllcins would introduce the president's "rail road roform bill" in tho senate, and added- "Elkins, formorly a foo of such legislation has reached tho conclusion that the bill fairly represents modern thought. Ho says that pub lic opinion demands the government regulation of tho railroads and does not consider this ob jectionable so long as it stops short of Kovern montal management." Does any republican believe that Senator Elkins is a reformer with respect to railroad legislation? UrtU Is it possible that republicans who have been loyal" to a fault, can not read a striking chal lenge to their present day confidence in the re ports of tho enthusiasm with which trust mag nates and railroad representatives embrace the "reform legislation" proposed by the gentleman SX T 2 uder th0 popular SSrSSSS poUclea?" WUld 'arry out the osovelt THE DEMOCRATIC POSITION ON THE TARIFF Hon. E. F. Dunno, former mayor of Chicago, spoke at tho Jackson Day banquet at Jackson, Mich., taking as his subject "The Democratic Position on tho Tariff.'.' Judge Dunne spoke in part as follows: From tho tlmo of tho foundation of this American republic up to within a few years boforo tho election of Andrew Jackson to tho presidency, the cause of human equality in that republic seemed to have been permanently as sured, until it was discovered that a powerful plutocracy was undermining the democracy of tho country by tho insidious and underground machinations of tho United States bank, char tered by the government under a law which gavo tho control of that great institution to a few private capitalists. On Jackson's accession to tho presidency, ho was quick to recognize tho seriousness of tho situation. The bank controlled a capital of fifty million, more potent for evil at that time in tho hands of unscrupulous men than would be five billion dollars today. It subsidized, or otherwise controlled most of the influential pa pers of tho country, as does the "system" of our own day. It dominated or was allied with -tho other banks and bankers of tho country. It controlled "society." Such men as Webster, Clay and Calhoun were Its spokesmen in the senate. Its tentacles were clutching both con gress and the courts. Its charter was soon to expire. Appreciating tho overwhelming and malevolent influence it was exercising over the government of that day, Jackson promptly opened the war of democracy against plutocracy, which has been waged with varying fortunes in this republic from Jackson's day to tho present time. He declared himself as opposed to the re newal of the United States Bank charter, and ordered that the moneys of the government bo deposited In other banks. After the bitterest struggle in the political history of America dur ing which the senate denounced the president as worthy of impeachment because ho refused to allow government funds to be deposited In tho United States Bank, Jackson finally triumphed and the charter of the bank was not renewed. It died, mourned only by the "interests" and capitalists of that day. The first battle between democracy and plu tocracy under Jackson's leadership was em phatically in favor of democracy. From the effects of that struggle the demoralized forces of plutocracy did not recover until the close of the civil war. During that terrible conflict when the life of the nation was at stake, it became necessary to raise a huge war fund. One of the methods of so doing was the imposition of a high import tariff, which was acceded to and voted for by all parties. This was done as a distinctive "waT measure." At the end of the war, however, the forces of plutocracy craftily resisted the reduction of the tariff. Getting control of the republican party the so-called Interests" succeeded In dictating the terms of ' eVi?I7 ariff law Passed bv the republican party with the result that each successive tariff bill has been higher and more outrageously oppres sive upon the people than its predecessor. While their taTiff bills, framed by and in the nterests of a few manufacturers and to the injury of the masses were being placed upon the statute books by the republican party -at the demand of plutocracy, the democratic party in congress and in its national platform was constantly protesting and fighting In the Inter ests of the masses. In 1892 the democratic national platform declared: "We denounce republican protection as a fraud, a robbery of the great majority of the American people for the benefit of the few We demand that the collection of such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of the gSv- minTseteJedW"en hneSUy econonallybad The democratic platform of 1896 again de- bflnvL, 7 hld that thG tariff dutief should be levied for purposes of revenue, such duties to be so adjusted as to operate equally tnroS out the country and not discriminate Seen UmZJ 8 ti0n n,nd that taxatIon should be limited by the needs of tho government honestlv and economically administered " nonestIy In 1900 the samo party in national conven tion assembled, adopted the following plank in Its platform: "Tariff laws should be amended by putting the products of the trusts upon the " free list to prevent monopoly under the plea of protection. We condemn the Dingley tariff law as a trust breeding measure, shamefully devised to give the few favors which, they do not de serve and to place upon the many burdens which, they should not bear." In 1904, the samo party declared: "We de nounce the republican tariff as a robbery of the . many to enrich the few, and we favor a tariff limited to the needs of the government economi cally administered and so levied as not to dis- , criminate against any industry, class or section." ; In 1908, at Denver, the same party declared: .' "We favor immediate revision of the tariff by the reduction of our import duties. Articles entering into competition with trust controlled products should be placed upon the free list, and material reductions should be made in the tariff upon the necessities of life, especially upon such articles as are sold abroad more cheaply than at home." While the democratic party in Its national convention was thus solemnly protesting against tho iniquity of the robber tariff, its representa tives In congress were engaged In constant war fare against the passage of the measures de vised by the trusts and monopolies of the coun try and placed upon the statute books by the subservient republican party, whose war chests' before and during every election were filled with the moneys necessary to subsidize a' venal press and debauch an electorate. As the Roman legions put the diadem of the empire upon the auction block, so the republi can party has placed the policy of that party and the choice of its leadership in the hands and control of the men and corporations who would contribute the biggest election fund. But the struggle of the democratic party against vested privilege and legalized robbery has been in vain for the time being. Strongly entrenched In power, and enriched with the ill gotten gains of the beneficiaries of this iniquit ous legislation the republican party has grown bolder and more reckless of human rights. In 1908 that party, forced by the general dis content and resentment of the masses at the steady and outrageous increase In the cost of the necessaries of life, produced by the high tariff legislation and the outspoken protest of thousands of voters who had been voting fatuitously tho republican ticket pledged itself in its national platform to the revision of the tariff. Although in specific language the pledge was not for a revision downward, every honest republican and the independent voters of the country, knowing of the evils entailed upon tho country by the high tariffs of the Dingley act, -believed the republican party pledged itself to a revision t downward. The democrats of the country knew different, and knew that the bene fic ar,ies f Athe DingJey act, who controlled tho policies of that party, had succeeded in insert ing into the republican platform such equivocal ISaget a? WOllli enable the Party after the election to betray the people by a revision which would enable the party in power to more effect ually rob and despoil the people. But the republican spellbinders and notably, the republican nominee, now President Taft, during the campaign, kept constantly assuring the gullible public that upon Mr. Taft's election the Dingley act would be repealed and a tariff act passed which would lighten the burdens then pressing upon the shoulders of the middle and lower classes. In a word, they conitrued- downward1:111 " PrmISQd the PepI on These promises had been shamelessly broken The people relying upon their promises S daily coming from the candidate for the presi dency, elected him president of the United Again successful at the polls the republican party repudiated its campaign pled ces t55 from the people to Its l&olaTnafafnSrirt ers, the lords of special privileged i A?tSnn5Ck" trusty friend of th JtmatB ppilffi 'oreVm Jowl ', ... -,wu.;4ttU?t,