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12
The Commoner
VOLUME 9, NUMBER 48
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I
rates to bo paid at some point be
tween the maximum and minimum
rates so established by congress. But
no rate so fixed and approved shall
bocomo effective or operative for
eighteen months after it has been
promulgated by the president in or
der that every Industry affected by
tariff changes may have ample -time
to adjust itself to the now condi
tions. "If anyone should suggest,"
says Mr. Fowler, "that such a com
mission could not constitutionally
fix the tariff rates at any point be
tween the maximum and minimum
rates established by congress be
cause that would bo an exercise of
legislative power, let him ask him
self whether the power to so fix rates
is any such stretch of legislative
power as that given to the interstate
commerce commission and approved
by the supreme court to fix a rea
sonable railroad rate." Returning to
his attack upon the present control
of congress Mr. Fowler declares it to
bo now perfectly clear, "that unless
the republican party gets rid of Ald
richism and Cannonlsm, tb,o people
will get rid of the republican party."
Ho asserts that tho people's hopes
have been turned to disgust and their
faith to resentment, and he says he
does not believe they will permit
Mr. Aldrich "to pick their pockets
through tho legerdemain of words."
He prophesies "thunderbolts of right
eous indignation and punitive
wrath," as about to "strike, shatter
and paralyze the republican party
unless it utterly repudiates Aldrich
ism and its subservient complement,
Cannonism." Impending defeat and
the loss of tho next house of repre
sentatives, Mr. Fowler says, can be
avoided only "by emblazoning on
our party banners these pledges:
"First We are against Aldrichism
and Cannonism; Second We de
mand tariff revision hereafter by
evolution and not revolution; Third
We demand tariff revision 'based
NEW BOOK
A New, Complete Edition of
Mr. Bryan s Speeches
Containing All of His Important Public Utterances
In two handy'volumes. You can follow Mr. Bryan practically through,
his entire career, from his valedictory oration at Illinois College in 1881,
through his early public life, Ills presidential campaigns, his world
tours, his platform experiences, and his participation in meetings of
organizations devoted to national progress, as well as international
congresses for the promotion of the world's peace.
Tho subject matter of these speeches covers a wide range of topics, ,
.from the fundamental and vital problems of national and world lifo to
the highest ideals of human' endeavor. A handy means pf, reference to
the student of. social problems of the present and future.
A Brief Outline of Contents
In these volumes you will find all his important political speeches on
the Tariff, Banking, Currency, Bimetalism, Income Tax, Money, tho
Silver Question, Imperialism, Colonialism, Government Ownership, The
Trust Question, Guaranteed Deposits', Election of Senators by Direct
Vote, Initiative and Referendum. T.nhnr 10AQ Tariff annnnn cff.
I and Nation, etc., etc. Here you will find all his speeclies in ioreign
vD, UCJ.W1 a mo w onu a jreace uongress in .London, in Cuba, Japan,
lngland, etc., etc. These books contain his educational and religious
lectures -The Price of a Soul, The Value of an Ideal, The Prince of
Peace, Man, Missions, Faith, etc.; etc,; hia miscellaneous speeches
Character, Gray's Elegy, Memorial Day at Arlington, Receptions in
"K ome iy at tue White House Conference, on Commerce
liincoln t tyan banaUet' t0 HIs NeteMrs, Tributes to Jefferson,
The Only Complete Collection
il0 Mr Byan's speeches, lectures and public addresses have ap
S2e??,time t? lm in aferent itions of his works, or have
S?ff i 8Ued ? f0 frm- these two volumes contain the only au
thentic, complete and authoritative collection of all of his speeches ever
Issued. This is the first publication in book form of a coZlete coHec
prTsent Ume 8 iTm MQ first.entrr In PubUa Xup to the
cloTh1 bSSSf Sm0"0? Z BeG ?ones in two handsome volumes,
;L i d m,'iU top' and Panted in large clear type. Frontis
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." i
upon ascertained facts and not upon
selfish trades and corrupt agree
ments; Fourth We demand a per
manent, broad and responsible tariff
commission which shall ascertain
theso facts, obviate trade wars and
assist in securing and retaining the
good will and friendship of all na
tions by wise, just and advantageous
trade treaties."
Daniel Goodsell, bishop of the
Methodist Episcopal church in New
York City, is dead.
Commissioner of Corporations
Smith, in his annual report, de
nounces the system of trading in
vogue on the cotton exchanges of
tho country as mere gambling, and
says it Bhould be stopped.
ZELAYA AND NICARAGUA
(Thomas R. Dawley, in New York
Times)
Nicaragua' was called by Its Span
ish conquerors Mohammed's Para
dise. It was a land where tho native
lived without toil a land of eternal
summer, producing much with little
labor. Neither did tho people go to
war, but under the despotic rulo of
Jose Santos Zelaya all this was
changed. The poor Indian has had
to hustle. And not only has the poor
Indian had to hustle, but his ladino
master, who always exploited him as
well, for the despot Jose- Santos Ze
laya must have wealth, and he made
his subjects, whether ladino or In
dian, shopkeeper or merchant, hustle
to get it, and if for no other reason
the people hated him.
For sixteen, years this despot has
ruled the country with a rod of iron.
Those who would not submit to his
rule, or even demurred, had to die
or get out. It, is said that 10,000 ot.
his people have been driven into ex-'
ile, but this is undoubtedly an exag
geration, as the total population Of
the entire country, does not exceed
half a million, and less than a third
pf this belonging to what is known
as the ladino or Creole element. The
rest are Indians, pure and simple.
They never leave the country.
While a great deal has been said
against Zelaya as a man, there is. one
thing that can. not be said against
him, and which his enemies never
have attempted say against him, and
that Is that he is not a bravo man.
it usually takes a brave man to
rule any one- of the turbulent Latin
American so-called republics.
Diaz of Mexico began his career as
a soldier and a revolutionist, and so
did his compeer, J. Rufino Barrios
of Guatemala. Castro of Venezuela,
while not a soldier, began his career
as a fighter and a leader. With a
band of poorly armed cow herders
from his native mountains he raided
a few bordering towns and fought
his way on to Caracas, where he
landed himself in the presidential
chair.
But Zelaya differed from these In.
that he began his career as the gen
tlemanly son of a planter. He had
little else to do than ride over the
vast estate belonging to his father.
He was sent to school at the capital
ana given all tho education that his
masters could supply. Extrava
gant in his tastes, he drew on the
old man's purse strings, leaving the
plantation frequently for the town,
where he was the leader among a
gathering of young men of about his
own age and circumstances. For
amusement they paraded the streets
of the town at night, twanging the
guitar strings and singing love songs
to their sweethearts.
Had Zelaya been content with this
amusement ho might have succeeded
to the ownership of his 'father's es
tate and have passed tho remainder
of his days in quiet comfort, for his
country was quietly, yet sfrnniv
I ruled by th,e conservative President
Charmora', his party having been In
power since the final dafpnf Al"
American filibuster Walker,, who had
IU.UUCW vu iuo uuasi; witn MS fiftv-
. AU.UwAMB uuu, luugnt nis way to
tho presidency.
Zelaya told his young friends and
compatriots that he did not approve
of the conservative rule. He said
they were too far behind th h.
that they favored the priests and tho
friars, who were back numbers, and
ho thought his country should keen
progress with the world by throwing
them out. His talks became speech
es; ue grew DOiaer, and denounced
the government openly, .with the re
sult that he was thrown out. in
other words, ho was exiled. Ho
sought refuge in Guatemala, then
ruled by J. Rufllno Barrios, the first
of the stern liberal rulers of tho
Porfiro Diaz type. It was in tho
stern school of this military despot
that Zelaya received his training that
not only fitted him for his subsequent
career but showed him the way.
No country was ever more com
pletely organized under a mim
rule than was the little republic of
Guatemala at mat time. Barrios had
not only Te-organized a very much
dilapidated army but he had virtu
ally created a new one. He had sta
tioned garrisons in all the little
towns, strung his country with a net
work of telegranh wires, ordered hin
local commandants to report by wiro
to tno national capital daily at sun
down that all was well, and thus ho
had established peace in his country
and put an end to revolutions that
was lasting.
In this army of Barrios, Zelaya,
the exile from Nicaragua, sought and
obtained service. Commissioned only
a lieutenant, for Barrios was frugal
with his commissions, he was soon
given a place on tile -president's staff,
where he took full advantage of tho
opportunities givenhim to study tho
'old man's" method of governing a
would-be troublesome republic.
Barrios, the strong man of Central
America, had his life's ambition ever
before him, and that was the unifi
cation of the five Central American
republics. It was this ambition that
led to his undoing, for one bright
morning in February, 1885, a procla
mation appeared nailed upon the
door of the capitol, and upon the
doors of the cabildos, or town halls,
throughout tho republic announcing
that he had united the five republics,
and for fear that some one of4hem
or all of them -might see fit to dis
unite he was at the head of an army
of 30,000 well disciplined troops
marching to the first and strongest
one of them, San Salvador.
It is said that a similar proclama
tion appeared on that same morning
on the breakfast table of each of the
presidents of each of the other four
republics informing them that they
had been united, or annexed, as they
claimed.
However, marching with Barrios
at the head of that army of 30,000
the grandest army Central America
had ever seen, were the young lieu
tenant and exile, Jose Santos Zelaya.
But Salvador did not propose to be
either united or annexed, and Bar
rios, the greatest president undoubt
edly whom any of those turbulent
little republics have ever known,
rode to his death. He fell upon the
plains of Chalchuapa, mortally
wounded, in tho very act of leading
his army to victory.
Young Zelaya was not only a
staunch admirer of old Barrios, as
ho is affectionately remembered, but
ho believed in him and his methods
of government. As he rode by the
side of him to that fatal battlefield
of Chalchuapa ho expected to con
tinue with him across Salvador and
Honduras into, his own country,
whore he would see the principle for
which ho had stood and for which he
had been exiled, thoroughly estab-
d
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