iiwrmn I. innlir" --'- --m '"-'"ntiHmiviMnii iim . --'wlW ""-' p 'f!iBpnjji"'"fpwnwn'ini '"wwpipwfiipHir; '5P'' m -', lfpwifPliiip'F "W" .wwwj-pww. DECEMBER 3, 1909 The Commoner. Getting Down Rapidly A 1 90 1 Reminder An editorial printed in Tho Commnnor rn. cember 27, 1901, and entitled "Getting Down Rapidly," will bo of general interest just now. Attention to this editorial is directed by Frank B. Starr of Dehesa, Cal., who asks for its re production. Tho editorial follows: "Tho New York World, in its issue of Novem ber 27, printed under a Washington date a state ment which its correspondent attributes to a member of Mr. Roosevolt's cabinet. This cabi net member is reported to have said that "all the leading high protectionists of tho country have seen the president's messago and all aro satisfied with it. Undoubtedly it will strike many readers as a strong reciprocity niessage, but wo understand that if it is subjected to analysis it will bo found that the languago will bo susceptible to an interpretation that will give cheer to every protectionist in tho country, who has been fearful that something would bo dono about reciprocity In tho coming congress.' "It must be admitted by those who have now read the president's message that this cabinet member's statement was an accurate one. Al though republican papers very generally com mended Mr. McKinley's last speech at Buffalo, wherein he upheld reciprocity, not as merely the 'handmaiden of protection,' but as an essen tial departure from tho protective theory, tho Practical Tariff Talks Cotton stockings are articles of universal wear. The new tariff law lays a heavier tax upon the cheaper grades, and in changing the schedules at the request of the manufacturers the cheaper stockings were increased' while no additional tariff was laid upon those which tho wealthier use. There are six grades of hosiery under the law. All valued at not more than $1 a dozen pay a -tax of 84 cents a doaon, re ducing the combination of ad valorem and spe cific duties to" specific. On this grade the in crease Is from 67.11 per cent to 88 per cent. Stockings valued at from $1 to $1.50 per dozen are taxed $1.03 per dozen. On this grade the increase is from 58.32 per cent to 76.37 per cent. Stockings valued at from $1.50 to $2 a dozen pay a tax of $1.08 per dozen. On this grade the increase is from 51.41 to 61.81 per cent. On the other three grades, from $2 to $3 per dozen, from $3 to $5, and above $5, no in creases were made, although asked fof by tho manufacturers. The increases as given were precisely those asked for by the manufacturers. It will be noted that the costlier the stocking the smaller the per cent of duty, the last three grades, it may bo added, being taxed from 55 per cent for the highest priced to 64 per cent for the lower priced. These amendments to the schedule were in tended to increase the tariff on full-fashioned hosiery. Full-fashioned means the seamed stockings. Eighty-five per cent of the cotton hose manufactured in America is known as the seamless, having but the one seam across the toe, and the"old tariff was sufficient to bar out any foreign importations. Having secured an absolute monopoly of this branch of tho manufacture, it is aimed now to reach out after the other for the benefit of the few who make that kind. The entire wool, worsted and cash mere industry, the entire fleeced hosiery and silk hosiery industries have been for years in the hands of the American manufacturers, by virtue of the high duties exacted. The only article upon which there was competition for the last twelve years was the full-fashioned hose in cot ton and lisle. On the cheaper grades of these, the increase Is sufficient to confine the Industry very largely to this country. Incidentally, it means that there will be a substantial advance in cotton hosiery prices to the consumer and the disappearance of the 25 cent stocking from the stores. At the hearing before tho house committee having the tariff bill in charge, tho National Wholesale Dry Goods Association insisted that the proposed schedule would put the full-fashioned hose industry in America In a trust, be cause at least 80 per cent of the business, which has been a profitable one, Is now controlled by one family of manufacturers, who are repre sented by the same sales agents. The associa'- samo papers did not hesitato to enthusiastically commend Mr .Roosevelt's message, in which, as accurately anticipated by this cabinet member, tho supporters of reciprocity obtained no en couragement. "This samo cabinet member Is quoted by tho World as indulging In somo very blunt state ments regarding Mr. McKinley's Buffalo speech. Thte is what this cabinet member said: " 'We can not got down from President Mc Kinley's position too rapidly. That would bo unkind to his memory and impolitic. But wo can get down, and wo will, and by tho ond of tho Fifty-seventh congress wo will bo just whero wo started, with no reciprocity of any conae quenco and with all of our protection." "Thero you havo it, blunt and plain. Although Mr. McKinley's last speech was said to outllno the futuro policy of tho republican party, hero wo havo a cabinet officer making tho frank and candid statement that in tho repudiation of Mr. McKinley's position, in deference to his memory, republican leaders wilL go slow; and yet that position will bo repudiated,.and in spite of all the commendatory utterances of tho republican press concerning tho Buffalo speech, 'by tho end of tho Fifty-seventh congress, wo will bo just whero wo started, with no reciprocity of any consequence and with all our protection.' " tion representative told the committee that to adopt tho schedule proposed would cut down tho importation 80 per cent and that this meant a reduction in revenue of over $3,000,000 a year. By granting the request of tho manu facturers, therefore, congress sacrificed revenuo and presented tho manufacturers with tho op portunity to absorb this and then some moro by making it possible for them to advanco prices to tho consumers. Tho stocking industry employs well-paid work ers, tho average weekly waces ninnJnar fmm $JLfin fnr.momou co ?30 for men. Most of theso operatives come from England and Germany, and a peculiar thing about it Is that whenever tho American manufacturer Increases wages hero his foreign competitors must increaso the wages there in order to retain them, the supply of operatives being limited in both countries. This maintains tho wage balance between tho countries. That the tariff granted Is excesslvo Is shown by the costs tables submitted to con gress by the manufacturers themselves. The tariff, according to the republican model, repre sents tho difference in wages hero and abroad. These costs tables show that the total wage cost per dozen in making hosiery in American mills ranges from 79 cents to $1.04 a dozen. The tariff, supposed to represent only tho difference, runs from 84 cents to $1.08 per dozen in short, the whole cost at homo. C. Q. D. CARNEGIE FUND A MENACE (From tho address delivered at the fourteenth annual meeting of the National Association of State Universities in Boston, by Jacob Gould Schurman, president of the association.) Benefactors die; universities abide. At least, that has been the case in tho past. But In this age of organization, benefactors have learned to perpetuate themselves as corporations. And wo now havo Institutions chartered by acts of congress to disburso for educational purposes the charities of millionaires. Tho rich philan thropist who objectifies himself in such a benev olent corporation of course names tho trustees, and subsequent vacancies in tho board aro filled by co-optation. This is a new species c corporation, but the two or three already organized hold large funds, which aro likely to be greatly augmented in tho future. And thero Is no limit to tho number of such corporations except tho limit to tho number of persons who possess wealth and desire to distribute it in this fashion. I can not but think that these corporations create anow and dangerous situation for tho independent and privately endowed universities. Just in proportion as theso are supported by those benevolent corporations is their center of gravity thrown outside themselves. It is no longer a case of a rich man giving his money, going his way (eventually dying), and leaving tho university free to manage its own affairs. The purse strings aro now controlled by an fra mortal power, which makes it its business to investigate and supervlso and which lays down conditions that tho university must accept If it is to rocelvo grant of monoy. An Irresponsible, Helf-porpetuating board, whoso business Is to Ulsponso monoy, necessarily tends to look at every question from tho pecuniary point of viow; it wants its monoy'B worth; it domandu imme diate and tanglblo results. Will not its largo powors and enormous influonco in relation to tho institutions dopondont upon it tend to do volop in it an attitude of patronago and a luvblt of meddling? Tho very ambition of such a corporation to roform educational abuses is Itnolf a 'source 'of. danger. Men aro not constituted educational reformers by having millions to spend. And. indeod, an irresponsible, solf-perpotrating board of this sort may becomo a real menace to tho best interests of tho higher education. In tho fancied interests of capital, or roliglon, or of education itself It may galvanlzo tho Intellectual mo of tho institution It undertakes to foster. A board of this kind should bo nnsworablo to tho public, llko tho rogonts of a stato university. Or, bettor still, lot tho millionaire trust tho boards of trustees 'of colleges and universities and glvo them outright tho capital ho intondo to dovoto to educational purposes. I holiovo that in all cases this plan would bo best for educators and best for tho public intorcst. I mako no excoption of tho Carneglo founda tion for tho advancement of teaching, to which Mr. Carneglo has givon such largo endowmont for tho pensioning of professors in tho colleges, technical schools and universities of tho United States and Canada. And I certainly speak with no prejudice, as I regard that ondowmont no tho best thing any benefactor has over dono for higher education In America, and I havo myself the honor of being ono of tho trusteos. But I look with concern and anxloty on tho Influonco of such corporations on tho frco and independent llfo of our institutions of learning and research. LLOYD GEORGE A LEADER Springfield, 111., Stato Rogistor: Call it what 8?.m wl11, B?c!al,8m" anarchy or what not, tho sown in England, and Lloyd Georgo is loador in tho sowing. Ho has conceived and taken hold of Jn monarchical, rogal, Great Britain, a vital, fundamental principle, which yot lacks such liold' and fearless application In tho national affair of "tho land of tho free and tho homo of tho brave." Tho land question is sending Its bril liant, fundamental principles of justico blazing into tho dark recesses of oppression, rich idle ness and landlordism in a manner which points to wonderful reforms in tho not far distant futuro. Chicago -Tribune: If ono man owned all of downtown Chicago and if three men owned Now York south of Forty-second street, and if theso holdings and others like them wero subject to a tax which had not beeen revised slnco Crom well's time, which was a tax merely in namo, and which operated to mako land ownership a weight bearing down on tho prosperity and de velopment of tho country, Americans would not wasto time- listening to an opposition which called tho proposed remedy socialistic. If 90 per cent of tho land In America wero owned by less than 10,000 persons something moro than tho land tax provisions of tho Lloyd Georgo budget would bo used to restore ownership to tho people. Springfield, Mass., Republican: Tho most Interesting aspect of Mr. Lloyd Ceorgo'8 development is that tho radical democracy of England has evidently found a formid able leader, and that, however tho coming elec tions may go, whatever even may be tho fate of the budget and free trade Mr. Lloyd George will remain to bo reckoned with for tho next twenty years as a radical force capable in time of ser iously modifying tho economic and social basis of English llfo. 0 0 0 BUT TnE SPIRIT LIVETH "Andrew Jackson was a great man," says Senator Aldrlch, "but ho is dead." Tho senator from Rhode Island is mis taken. Andrew Jackson is not dead; but tho United States bank is dead. When Senator Aldrlch introduces his bill for the creation of a central bank of issue ho will find that Old Hickory is still on guard and will have to bo reck oned with. Now Yorfc World. 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 J j 4 am .1 m i &X tHAA.Jjttj.il iAWj- 4... .iit-mjA-tjM-